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THE 

7 7 36 

FIRST AND SECOND PART 

' 7 



OF A 



Work on Government. 



ERRATA. 

1 6th page, i8th line from the top, read " spurring" for "showing." 
1 6th page, 19th line from the top, read "while" for "which." 
24th page, 1st line from the top, read "Fathers" for "father." 
27th page, end of 2d paragraph, for "on other trivial things?" read 
on other things trivial?" 



[Philosophy does not regard pedigree 5 she did not find Plato noble, but she made 
him so.] 

To koKov — what is handsome. 




HARTFORD: 

PRESS OF CASE, LOCKWOOD & BRAINARD. 

1870. 



THE 

FIRST AND SECOND PART 

OF A 



Work on Government. 



J. B. COLT. 



Philosophia stemma non inspirit ; Platonem non aceepit nobilem philosSphia, 
sed facet. — Sen. 

[Philosophy does not regard pedigree; she did not find Plato noble, but she made 
him so.] 

To koKov — what is handsome. 




HARTFORD: 

PRESS OF CASE, LOCKWOOD & BRAINARD. 

1870. 






Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1S70, by 

J. B. COLT, 

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, for the District of 

Connecticut. 



GOVERNMENT. 



Persona. ■ 
REPUBLICUS, DEMOCRATICUS, MONARCHICUS. 

Rep. — What is Government? 

Dem. — An Evil. 

Rep. — No, a good; the evil is only the meafure of it, in 
the inftrument or inftruments human. 

Dem. — To harnefs Liberty. 

Rep. — Againft a ftumbling-block to them that are weak. 

Dem. — Mankind never has been free but in their ele- 
mental condition as a people, until modern civilization 
points to Liberty of all untramelled. We want no govern- 
ment but that within the reach of all, not theoretically fo, 
but practically. Your Liberty-theory is of a kind granted; 
mine is born of God or Nature. 

Rep. — As you conceive of God. My Liberty is regu- 
lated Liberty born of Him. As He regulates the planetary 
fyftem by fixed Law, and fo even to the falling of a fpar- 
row, fo we regulate Liberty by Laws fuitable to all condi- 
tions of mankind. 

Dem. — You make an accountability. 

Rep. — Yes, for mutual protection. 

Dem.— But your mutual protection leads to Empires, 
Kings, and Prieftcraft. 



Rep. — They have always exifted, or the evil, co-extenfive 
with mankind, by one name or another. Call it a regulated 
fuperftition — the ignorant are the moft fuperftitious even to 
the thing they call liberty. They want the right of having 
it, as others want the right to their belief, and to be pro- 
tected in its independence. 

Dem. — The lefs governed mankind are the better. By 
natural laws every thing was theirs, with the right to do 
every thing. To eat, drink, and fleep, to affociate or be in 
solitude, to dream they realize and appreciate the great 
wonders of nature and the loves of the fexes, or lie dor- 
mant like a lick, unarmed ftag, and vegetate life away — 
thefe, all thefe, were rights to be maintained by force if 
neceffary. 

Rep. — And by Will. It is not good for man to be alone 
is a law which brings the fexes together, and their wants 
not being identical, require fome rule or power, which is 
government. All mankind have an inborn relation, the in- 
ftruments of which are Love and Force. As they grow 
from natural liberty, which is purely animal, to that of fa- 
ther, mother, child, fociety, government is a neceffary law 
that forces itfelf upon them, as the feafons force themfelves 
upon each other like mingling (beams. Now you are at 
perfect liberty to take your choice of feafons, go where no 
human foot has trod before, and live animal, or felect cli- 
mate, houfes, fociety, government, civilization — cujus 
fumma eft. 

Dem. — The long and fhort of it is, we can not truft man- 
kind, therefore want little of their laws. Force is the fame 
whether exercifed by mind, will, or phyfical mufcle — every 
man to right his own wrong. 

Rep. — And woman and child, the ftandard being his 
own judgment, and the meaiure depending upon the kind 
of animal he or ilie may be, as you muft admit there are 



races of men as well as animal. In that cafe the weak 
muft be the prey to the ftrong, which is Tyranny. Your 
anger againft government and fociety fprings from that very 
cause, fociety and civilization being ftronger than you. 
The ftand-point of nature to be kept there makes no ad- 
vance. You muft have a principle of improvement, or 
you remain ftationary, or try to, which is equally a violation 
of nature, and impoffible. What is that principle of ad- 
vance? It is law — human law adapted to the neceffities 
of mankind. Their wants and weakneffes make govern- 
ment. Its kind depends upon the condition of mankind- 
facts, the progrefs of their development — Lex ap petit perfect- 
urn? You would riot put Bonner's Dexter in the fame lia- 
ble with mules, jackaffes, and draft horfes, nor give them 
the fame groom, nor can you make one the other. 

Dem. — -In Government, which means Law, we want the 
right to change, which is Liberty, nor fear — 

Liber tas ultima mundi 

Quo Jleterit ferienda loco? 

Rep. — Now that you admit Government means Law, I 
am with you thus far; but go a ftep farther. Seek glory 
by acts in the moral world. 

Dem. — Governments are made for the living not the 
dead. Even the living voice in anger fliould govern, for 
there is always either an immediate or remote caufe for that 
anger — rather than not be heard. 

Rep. — In other words, violence, like that in the French 
Revolution of '89, which means paflion — blows without other 
motive than Fury, the birth-pangs of democracy. Well, 
good fprings even from that; it foon, in the end, through 
its own blinded reason, feeks to be bridled, which was gov- 
ernment, the act of governing, exercife of authority, rule, 

1 The law aims at perfection. 

2 In the fpot where Liberty made her lait ftand muft me be smitten, 
A fentiment attributed by Lucan to Julius Caefar. 



management, regulation, control, and restraint. "The gov- 
ernment of man ihould be the Monarchy of reafon; it is 
too often the democracy of paffions, or the anarchy of hu- 
mours." [Dr. Whichcote.] 

Dem. — When Rome was a Republic did ilie not grow 4 ? 

Rep. — Yes, when flie was a Republic. She never was 
a democracy. 1 Cicero instructs us — Pietdte ac religione, 
at que hdc una Japientia, quod Deorum immortalium numlne 
omnia regi gubernarlque perfpeximus, omnes gentes nationef- 
quefuperavimus. (By piety and religion, and this, the only 
true wifdom, a conviction that all things are regulated and 
governed by the providence of the immortal Gods, have 
we [Romans] fubdued all races and nations.) 

Dem. — They had a plurality of Gods, we but one who 
deals directly with Americans. There is more enlighten- 
ment in not requiring fb many, without we call each new 
feet of Chriftians, idealing a new and different God, a prin- 
ciple, cauling the downfall of the older worfhip, and may 
work to that end with the new. 

Rep. — It is one God, but worfhipped in varying forms, 
details, requilitions, according to the various ftandards of 
confeience in all the world. Your God is Mars or Thor. 
If perfonated or fymboled, how would you represent him 4 ? 

Dem. — A reformer, even to woman fuffrage, which 
means Liberty. 

Rep. — Woman fuffrage means more than Liberty. It 
means religious or well regulated liberty. Beside that, it 
means opennefs and direct action in all matters of Govern- 
ment, under juft regulation, as contradiftinguished from pref- 
ent legiflative or official intrigues. Suffrage is a right bom 
of fociety to every being human who can be called upon 
to difcharge any duty of aid or benefit to that fociety. The 
queftion of fex has nothing to do with it. A fovereignty 
born of God is born of fociety or the people — vox populi, 

1 Lord: 



vox Dei, 1 — and in an elective government the fource of fbv- 
ereignty is the people, mafculine and feminine, aggregated 
to make peace and civilization permanent — not war! the 
inftruments of office to be changed, or opportunity for 
change, as circumftances may require. When war is the 
normal condition of mankind, if that was ever the cafe, ib- 
ciety was in nomadic life, and war the inurnment of its 
fupport. 

Dem. — When did fociety ever wander more than now? 
What peoples are ftationary? Bendes, what has woman 
fuffrage got to do with it more than fpiritualifm. 

Rep. — Woman is God's inftrument of civilization, Love 
is her firft enjoyment, and to be beloved the end and aim 
of her temporal exiftence. Their tendency is to ideal the 
man-animal in man. The foft flower-fcented zephyrs of 
fummer are not rejected becaufe they wont propel a fhip! 
their affiliation with cold-water winds, gives a power which 
all can comprehend. Whofe office is it to birth? What 
good to the world is there in a birth? The principle and 
germ of fpiritualifm is as old as Theifm — as old as the firfl: 
man or woman — but its new development, gingled by new 
names, at a time when fociety is full of knowledge, and 
hourly marching with the rapidity of which man dare not 
fpeak. I fay that fpiritualifm may affume a form and use 
to the higheft degree promotive of Christianity. It cer- 
tainly has reached fome portion of the fkeptical clafs, who 
had no tafte for theological enquiry, no "Faith" nor "Belief" 
beyond temporal concerns, two words the moil ngnificant 
and powerful of human tongue. 

Dem. — All that is very pretty, but it don't make bread 
cheap nor fun fecure. When we get along the way to 
that door you call death, we will enquire the next beft turn. 

Rep. — Yes, it don't animal, but regulates Liberty; for 
mankind to work out their own temporal or fpiritual falvation. 

1 The voice of the people is the voice of God. 



8 

Mon. — I fee you can never agree. One has a ftarting 
point, a bafe of principle more adamantine, perhaps, than 
the other. Circumftantial education, outnde of letters, de- 
velopes one kind of material in mankind, letters another. 
Monarchy, rightly developed in the intereft of the whole, 
has the power, by its every kind of education, to maintain 
peace or war with the leaft amount of coft or human injury. 
The objection to it is, that man by nature, controlled by 
certain innate laws, can not be trufted. Hereditary right 
and virtues are not the fame. But monarchy elective fup- 
plies an opportunity for a change to fecure themoft worthy 
inftrument with whom to entruft power. Its intereft lies 
with the people as againft the grasping avarice of ariftoc- 
racy, and with the ariftocracy as againft the hafty mad paf- 
fion of the people, the perfection of reafon and judgment 
being, or fuppofed to be, in the human inftruments or offi- 
cers of the monarchy. 

Rep. — Yes, but human experience is againft the practical 
working of monarchy. Its opportunities for wifdom and 
all the virtues is what the foul of Republicanifm is after, 
and both temporal and fpiritual falvation and advancement, 
the right to work it out, is inherent in mankind. 

Dem. — Yes, every man has a right to be a king himfelf. 
We are all fovereigns by nature. 

Mon. — -Even to the fool. Words, names of things, are 
but relative. It takes but three little letters of the alpha- 
bet to make the word God, or hod, but what an infinite 
diftance between the ideas that arife on both! The natural 
sovereign right of the wifeft, moft virtuous and powerful 
man of earth, its exercife, muft be regulated in govern- 
mental difcipline, as well as that of him who choofes to be 
a thief, a murderer, an adulterer, or him who is infane, the 
all helplefs that live. 

Rep. — The evils of a monarchy or of a pure democracy 



are of the fame nature, but arife from oppofite caufes — the 
want of proper checks and balances. Thefe were in all 
antiquity moft judicioufly accomplifhed under the Roman 
Republic, and of modern governments in the Union of the 
United States of America. Written compacts or conftitu- 
tions are neceffary, but it is a curious fact that the great 
events, previous to the breaking out of the civil war, which 
have contributed moft to increafe the wealth, power and na- 
tionality of the United States, have been acts outfide of the 
Conftitution, from which all authority is fuppofed to arife, 
acts which can only be claffed as acts in empire. I allude 
to the Louiliana purchafe and that of Florida, Texas annex- 
ation, and other acts recognifed as unconftitutional but per- 
mitted to pafs. 

Dem. — That is fo; and lince conftitutions can not be 
framed to cover all cafes, clafs them. Peoples grow from 
parental to limple up to complex Government, or rather fo- 
cieties grow up to it, and the voice of democracy in peace 
or in anger is the great check againft limple or complex 
Tyranny. The force of a people is in the intellectually 
organized labor; their ftrength, (landing, and refpect, de- 
pends upon the enterprife and rightly fucceffful ufe of it. 
Look at the Roman energy and will. 

Rep. — The Roman Empire was the only univerfal em- 
pire which ever exifted, but it was won by the fword, slowly 
but irrefiftably, from a fixed purpofe of bringing all nations 
under their fway. "They erected a univerfal monar- 
chy, which fell to pieces by its own weight when the vices 
of felf-intereft had accomplifhed their work." War was a 
paflion with the Romans for a thoufand years, "unscrupu- 
lous, reliftlefs, all-pervading, all-abforbing, all-conquering." 
The Greeks fought to preferve or extend their civilization; 
the Romans in order to rule. Military genius with them 
was all-powerful; the fucceffful alone the founder of great 
2 



io 

families. Every citizen was trained to arms; fenators and 
ftatefmen commanded armies. The Romans def fifed litera- 
ture, art, philofbphy, commerce, agriculture, and luxury, 
when making their conqueft. There is a greater than a 
warrior's excellence. When men save nations in fearful 
crifes, as Napoleon did France, Guftavus Adolphus did 
Germany when ftruggling for religious rights, then they can 
receive no unmerited honors. The fame of Miltiades, 
Charlemagne, Henry XIV., or Waftiington, links deeply 
into the world-heart. Still, war is as a trade — unfcrupu- 
lous, hard, rapacious, deflructive, fomenting all the evil paf- 
fions, allied to all the vices, and is antagoniftic to human 
welfare. The Roman rule was a defpotifm, cold, remorfe- 
leis, felf-feeking, and made them, while practicable, — calcu- 
lating, overbearing, proud, scornful, imperious. Under the 
kings for two hundred years no nation was ever ruled by 
more enlightened princes, ambitious, fometimes unfcrupu- 
lous, but fortunate and fucceffful: — Rome grew too rapid 
for its moral health. A feries of difafters produced by the 
expulfion of the Tarquins, during which the Roman ftate 
dwindled into a fmall territory on the left bank of the Ti- 
ber, develops new energies. It takes Rome one hundred 
and fifty years to recover what it had loft. The heroic pe- 
riod of Roman hiftory begins really with the expulfion of 
the kings, alfo the growth of the ariftocratical power. It 
is not under kings nor democratic influences and inftitutions 
that Rome reached pre-eminence, but under an ariftocracy. 
All that is moft glorious in Roman annals took place under 
the rule of the Patricians. That part of Roman hiftory 
bears the same relation to the age of Marius and Sulla that 
the conqueft of the Puritans and cavaliers over the Indians, 
and the difficulties with which they contended, do to the 
gigantic warfare of the North and the South in the late 
American Rebellion. The protracted Roman warfare with 



petty cities for a hundred and fifty years completed the in- 
dependence of the City of Seven Hills, regaining the con- 
queft loft by the expulfion of the Tarquin, and extending 
the Roman power to the valleys of the Appenines. The 
Celt-Gauls burnt and facked the city, but foon retreated, 
and Rome was never again invaded by a foreign foe until 
the hordes of Alaric appeared. About the year 341 B. C, 
and 416 years from the foundation of the city, the aggref- 
live period of Roman warfare began. By this time the Ple- 
beians made their power felt, and had obtained one or two 
consullliips; but for a long time after, the Patricians, though 
(horn of undivided fovereignty, ftill monopolized moft of 
the great offices of the ftate — indeed were the controlling 
power, focially and politically. At no period was Rome a 
democratic ftate; never had Plebeians the afcendency. But 
now the plebeian influence began to modify the old confti- 
tution. All claries, after inceffant warfare for a century and 
a half, and expofed to innumerable feuds, united in enter- 
prifes of conqueft. Rome began to appear on the ftage of 
political hiftory, commencing her aggreffive warfare firft 
with Samnium with excufes alleged, not the true ones. 
A plebeian nobility grows up, created by the succeffes in 
war and domeftic tactions. Citizens of various conquered 
cities were enrolled among Roman citizens, with all the 
rights to which the citizens of the capital were entitled — 
abfolute authority over wife, children, and flaves; fecurity 
from capital pumfhment except by a vote of the people, or 
under military authority of the camp ; accefs to all the hon- 
ors and employments of the ftate ; the right of fuffrage, and 
the poffellion of Qurinal property. Military roads were 
conftructed between all places of importance. The fame 
fterling virtues which characterized the abfolute rule of the 
Patricians ftill continued, and patriotifm partook of the na- 
ture of religious excitement. The new mafters of Italy 



12 

deferved their empire. There was union, because there 
was now political equality. The ariftocracy of blood wa q 
blended with the ariftocracy of merit. The confuliliip gave 
unity of command, the Senate wifdom and proper ftrength, 
preferving a happy equilibrium of forces — the combination 
of royalty, ariftocracy, and democracy — which, with mili- 
tary virtues and auftere manners, made an irreliftible force. 
This period, the 5th century of the exiftence of the Roman 
ftate, was its heroic age. Military aggrandizement became 
the mafter paffion of the people, the uniform policy of the 
government, Mars the presiding deity, fuccefs the only road 
to honor. Carthage, upon the oppolite fide of the Mediter- 
ranean, falls after three memorable ftruggles, extending over 
a century. Even Hannibal, the greateft general of antiq- 
uity next to Csesar and Alexander, could not reftore the for- 
tunes of his country. The firft Punic War, lafting twenty 
years, attaches Sicily to Rome; the fecond Punic War 
opens twenty-three years after the firft, lafts seventeen, and 
brings Sardinia; a foothold is gained in Spain and Gaul, 
and a preponderance throughout the western region of Eu- 
rope and Africa; the third Punic War, beginning fifty 
years after the fecond, lafted only four years, gained all the 
provinces of Africa ruled by Carthage^ and a great part of 
Spain. Nothing is allowed to remain of the African capital, 
the captives fold to flavery or put to death — the fpoils en- 
riched the victor and adorn a triumph. 1 

Between the fecond and third Punic Wars occurred the 
Macedonian Wars, preparing the way for conquest in the 
eaft. The great Macedonian Empire was fplit into feveral 
monarchies among the generals of Alexander and their fuc- 
cessors. Ptolemies reigned in Egypt; the fuccelfor of Se- 
leucus in Babylonia; thofe of Antigonus in Syria and Alia 
Minor; thofe of Lynmachus in Thrace; and of CafTander 
in Macedonia. It was the million or good fortune of Rome 

1 Lord. 



l 3 

to reduce thefe monarchies, for (lie was deiHned to conquer 
the world. The principles which animated thefe wars can 
not be defended on high moral grounds any more than the 
conqueft of India by England, or of Algeria by France. 
Rome anticipated the Monroe doctrine in Italy, and upon 
the plea of civilization conquered Greece, Alia, and Egypt; 
but then followed the great civil wars of the Romans in 
which fb much blood was Hied, and in which Marius, Sulla, 
and Csefar, and Pompey, exhaufted the refources of the 
ftate, and made an imperial regime neceffary. The victory 
at Pydna, B. C. 168, which gave the final fuperiority to the 
Roman legion over the Macedonian phalanx, was followed 
by the triumph of Paulus himfelf, the grandeft difplay ever 
feen at Rome. Firft parTed the fpoils of Greece — ftatues 
and pictures — in two hundred and fifty wagons; then the 
arms and accoutrements of the Macedonian foldiers; then 
three thoufand men, each carrying a vafe of filver coin; 
then victims for facrifice, with youths and maidens with 
garlands; then men bearing vafes of gold and precious 
(tones; then the royal chariot of the conquered king laden 
with armor and trophies; then his wife and children, and 
the fallen monarch on foot; then the triumphal car of the 
victorious general, preceded by men bearing four hundred 
crowns of gold — the gifts of the Grecian cities — and fol- 
lowed by his two fons on horfe-back, and the whole army 
in order. The fack of Corinth which foon followed was 
the final of Grecian humiliation. Nine provinces now com- 
pofed the territories of Rome, while the kings of Afia Mi- 
nor, Syria, and Egypt, were vaffals rather than allies, B. C. 

In vain did M. Portius Cato, who died 150 B. C, pro- 
claim against increafing corruption. An age of "Progrefs" 
had fet in — Grecian arts and culture, material wealth, fump- 
tuous banquets, fplendid palaces, rich temples, theatrical 

1 Lord. 



i 4 

fliows, circus games, female gallantries, efFeminated manners 
— all the ufual accompaniments of civilization when it is 
mod proud of its triumphs; and there was no refilling its 
march to the eye of many a great improvement, to the eye 
of the honeft old Cato, the descensus averni. 1 

Dem. — I diflike to interrupt you, but did that Cato lend 
his wife to a friend? We don't do that knowingly. 

Rep. — No! I am fpeaking of M. Portius Cato, the cen- 
for, who lived in the beginning of the 2d century, B. C, and 
the molt remarkable man of his degenerate age. The Cato 
to whom you allude was Marcus Cato, furnamed Uticenfis, 
from his death in Utica, and was the cenfbr's great-grandfon 
by the fecond wife, and lived in a {till more degenerate age 
— the times of Cseiar. Quintus Hortennus, not contented 
merely with the friendiliip of Cato, wanted a family alli- 
ance, and defired Portia, Cato's daughter, then married, to 
be lent to him, which Cato refufes, but grants him his wife 
Mercia, if Hortennus could get the confent of her father 
Phillip, which he did, and "efpoufes" her. After Horten- 
fius' death, leaving her a rich widow, Cato again marries 
her, and becomes the butt of Csefar's farcaim, and other 
Roman wits. Shall I go on? 

Dem. — Yes, it's enlightening: 

Rep. — I am but repeating Lord's hiftory, before your in- 
terruption, almoft verbatim. " Wealth had become a great 
power; fenatorial families grew immenfely rich; the di virion 
of fociety widened; flavery was enormoufly increafed, while 
the rural population loft independence and influence." 

Then took place the memorable ftruggles of Rome 
againft herfelf; factions convulfed the city, and civil war 
wafted the national refources. It was at the time when the 
Gracchi were reformers and demagogues, patriots and dis- 
organizes, heroes and martyrs, when fortunate generals 
sought to overthrow the liberties of their country, that Rome 

1 Lord. 



l 5 

was ferioufly threatened. The Teutons and Celts from 
Germany and Gaul united for the invafion of Italy. They 
had fucceflffully defeated five confiilar armies, in which 
more than a hundred thoufand men were (lain. Three 
hundred thoufand warriors from beyond the Alps rolled on 
like a devastating ftorm. They were met by Marius, now 
old, fierce, and cruel, and the Gaulifh hordes were annihi 
lated on the Po and Rhone. The decifive battles of 
Aquae Sextese and Vercellse rolled back the tide of north- 
ern immigration for three hundred years, preparing the way 
for the conqueits of Csefar in Gaul, of ten years labor, 
with a people inured to danger, hardiliip, adventurous, wil- 
ling to die in battle, and intrepid in foul. It was thefe con- 
quered barbarians, if they were ever conquered, in the senfe 
of entire national fubmiflion and alienation, which I am 
flow to admit; it was thefe unromanized Northmen who 
were to furnilh Rome with foldiers, fcholars, ftatefmen and 
generals. They Latinized while the eaft remained Grecian. 
Civil war enfues between Csefar and Pompey, both afpiring 
to abfolute rule. Pompey is defeated, and the road was 
now open to Csefar and his fortunes. Dictator for ten years 
he overturned the Conftitution, and virtually became the 
fupreme ruler of the world. None queftioned his abilities, 
affability, magnanimity, and forbearance. He paffed the 
Rubicon, and falls in the Senate Chamber pierced by twen- 
ty-two wounds — the arTaflin victim. Great as an orator, a 
writer, a general, and a ftatesman, a man without vanity, 
devoted to bufinefs, unfeduced by pleafure, unfcrupulous of 
means to effect an end; profligate, but not more fo than his 
times; ambitious of power, but only to rule for the benefit 
of his country, like others immortal on a bloody catalogue. 
Civil war iffues; ib mod vigoroufly carried on by Octavian, 
Csefar's lieutenant, and young Antony, who yields to the 
fafcinations of Cleopatra, and the fea-fight of Actium, one 



i6 

of the decifive battles of the world, give to Octavian, foon 
named Auguftus, the victory and Empire, and Imperial 
power is peacefully eftablifhed over all there was left of 
Roman civilization. 1 

When we reflect upon the rife and fall of Roman civil- 
ization, we can not but obferve that it was bafed upon the 
phylics of mankind. Its iplendors, of a barbaric order, 
were all in human things — human works. With all its re- 
fources of energy, genius, and wealth, it could not create 
that kind of Love sensed by the Chriftian religion. It 
could only pave the way for it. A kind of cattle-glory, it 
fattened, and crimfoned, and died. It took three centuries 
for the feed of Chriftianity to germinate in an organized 
fyftem, ftill developing and outliving the old day by many 
centuries. What think you of Roman glory? 

Dem. — There has been an advance over it. During the 
prevalence of Chriftianity it may or may not have had any 
connexion, fliowing, but we are greater travellers. They 
had to carry their bodies along with their ideas, which in 
the prefent day, we lightning them and talk at the antipo- 
des — old Jack O'Lantern give way to Swamp Angels. We 
have improved on their improvements. 

Rep. — There was a ftrange torpor every where in the 
empire fo foon as external antagonifm had ceafed; and if 
the Northman, then nomadic, had not come, the empire 
would have dilintegrated in a century. No government, 
with outnde intercourse, can maintain itfelf long without 
external antagonifm, and our own hiftory proves it. All 
old party iffues were fettled, no outride caufe of fpecial com- 
plaint, and in the fliorteft poflible time the Have queftion 
looms up in gigantic proportions, and civil war iffues. 

Dem. — In other words you ftole our thunder. The Pu- 
ritan — Pure-I-tan — Peace Societies, Temperance, Abolition 
in all chameleon color, old party hereditary revenges writh- 

1 Lord. ~~ ~ 



17 

ing in memory of old defeats, unite to open up civil war, 
and what you may call the virtuous element of democracy 
entered the conflict juft in feafon to prevent the diffolution 
of the government, in extremity, which was favored by both 
ends of the extremift, Rebel or Abolition. 

Rep. — That is not to the point. All queftions of the 
paft, the fettlement of which required the intellect and pa- 
triotifm of all good men, to them belong the meed of 
praife. But it is for the future we reafon, to lliape the laws 
and government for the good of all; and we fay there is 
nothing in the ftatefmanfliip of Greece or Rome of two 
thoufand years old at all adapted to the condition of man 
or woman of the New World in the later quarter of the 
nineteenth century. Democraticus may fay, as in the clofe 
of the eighteenth century, we approach blood, and Mon- 
archies > that we approach empire of kingly organization ; 
we do approach empire in one fenfe, becaufe we have, as 
a national government, been in empire during the whole 
century, but not in the fenfe of an organized legalized no- 
bility or Prieft government. 

Mon. — There is no fuch thing as a Prieft government. 
They are only a fupportive adjunct to all fociety and au- 
thority, and their offices relate particularly to individual 
members, or fouls, and God relation. They have been in 
affociation with the ftate to give ftrength, for peace, to it; 
and may be embraced all in one, but the age is againft it. 
There is nothing fo enduring as Faith when once engrafted 
thoroughly in the foul; nothing fo cheering as Belief dom- 
iciled with Faith; nothing fo hopeful in good cheer as 
Charity, which lights up the pathway of the good, the truth- 
ful, and God-like. They are both the old day and new 
day fchool-mafters of the foul. 

Dem. — Yes, I know it; but you haven't told us of their 
deftructive force for finners, and who fhould be the tempo- 
3 



i8 

ral judge of the fin. Now if you will let that alone in all 
immediate cafes, we admit your right to preach and make 
feed — a good bufinefs. Man's right of " private judgment" 
in relation to his Maker is in practical war with both the 
Romifh and Proteftant Church — the one admitting it as a 
principle, while the other does not. Now in a ftate of na- 
ture we undoubtedly have the right of "private judgment." 

Rep. — Not fo; if more than two perfons form that ftate; 
for you, not knowing, have no right to deftroy life over a 
precipice, when the fecond perfon can, and you know it, 
inftruct you otherwife. Therefore, when private judgment 
deftroys life, you have no right to it. 

Dem. — General Jackfon's fpirit was a natural right, and 
don't partake of Bofton, belief-ward, that "the State Houfe 
is the Hub of the Solar Syftem," whatever the people there 
might do with "all creation ftraightened out for a crow-barf 

Mon. — Bofton ftate houfe has been a fulcrum, as was the 
Ifland Thanet to Hengift, Athelingay to Alfred the Great. 1 

Rep. — But that is, Old World not New. 

Dem. — -Not forgetting Columbia, Richmond, Albany, 
and laft though not leaft, old Connecticut with its two cap- 
itals. 

Rep. — I fee, Democraticus, you are quite facetious. 

Dem. — There is no Paft; every thing is Prefent and Fu- 
ture relating to Government. 

Mon. — What, no Hiftory Sacred or Profane*? 

Rep. — No land-marks, guiding ftars? 

Dem. — None whatever; that is, an adamantine law unto 
ourfelves or our pofterity. 

Mon. — But you muft admit there have been governments 
and their ftory, in which fociety has always had its Mon- 
archift, Ariftocracy, and Democracy. 

1 See Matthew of W., i., page 430. 



>9 

Dem. — Not always, as thofe under Mohammed and other 
Orientals; but as a general rule I admit it. 

Mon. — And then you muft go further — that a unite of 
any two of thofe elements has always eftablifhed the gov- 
ernment, whatever it may be called. 

Dem. — That isalfo true but partially fo; the Democracy 
when heard through the Furies, or otherwise, ruling. Our 
affiliation may be with the ariftocracy or with the king, de- 
pending entirely upon the queftion of temporary intereft, 
not bought nor fold. 

Mon. — You run into queftions of fact which I don't wiili 
to difpute, but willi to affert that if your fociety wifh for 
economical, permanent Peace, it muft culminate into a 
Monarchy. 

Rep. — An Empire I would fay, its head limited in Em- 
ployment, but fupported and affociated with more Dignity, 
calling the symbols of Office by what name you choofe. 
Society is in time always arriving at points delignated by 
names, or the old name changes to mean the oppohte — per- 
haps only partial — of its original fignification. 

Dem. — A Monarchy cheap ! An Empire, becaufe we are 
going there. Well, we don't know where we are going. 
We know there are certain fixed facts for the living; the 
dead have had their day, and pofterity will ripen from our 
manhood. I will not reafon upon the queftion of your 
Peace-to-morrows, and your economical Monarchies with 
king, nobles, and Prieft-titles. The Furies don't belong to 
us no more than to you; they go it blind, perhaps; fome- 
times God is there. 

Mon. — I fee your foul is moved by the wants of the 
body, which is fbvereign. 

Dem. — And being fo, it wars for its neceffities of the 
fpirit as well as of the flefh. 

Rep. — And thofe neceffities are Republican, which ad- 



20 

mits the principle but claims a regulation — a Law control- 
ling Power. 

Dem. — Such is the frailty of human workmanfhip that 
whatever you make in Law, Conftitution, Religions, Tem- 
ples, Capitols, Dwelling-Houfes, or Principles, they are eaten 
by the corroding tooth of Time. At every minute of the 
future the Power of Government lies fomewhere, either in 
the Democracy, Oligarchy, or head, King, Emperor, Presi- 
dent. The intereft and happinefs of "the All" living, not 
the dead or dying, is what we are after, and will have. 
We know we are the Force, Energy and Will, of all Peo- 
ples, the back-bone of all government. 

Rep. — And can get along without the head, arms, feet, 
lungs, and heart, of the body politic? The abfurdity of 
fuch a thing is apparent. We can not be always in war 
for peace fake. Peace and its cultivations is the fole pur- 
pose of organized fociety, and war with all its glories and 
concomitant forces, is but an incident, to be fo treated and 
enflaved. 

Mon. — Whether we will or no, we can not reject the 
prefent Chriftianized condition of fociety, nor, if we would, 
reflect its date at the downfall of the Roman Empire, could 
we. It is true the afpect of our fociety bears a ftrong re- 
femblance to that of Rome in its loofeft range, which is 
but a fign, the law of race-blood to folve the problem. If 
much has been yours, much of you is required. If gov- 
ernment is in reality a principle, and Chriftianity is its hand- 
maid concomitant, and there is a law of our nature neceffi- 
tating their aid, how is your Energy and Force law, or your 
dapple patch- work progrefs to make good the requisition? 
What is a king? All things are held by Jus Divinum, 
either immediately or mediately, the authority creating be- 
ing the people — the fovereign's plural. A king is a thing 
men make for their own fakes, for peace or war's sake. 



21 



There are no species of kings; they are all flefh and blood. 
We are inftructed "to render unto Csejar the things which 
are Ctefar s." The meaning of "the king can do no 
wrong" is, that no Proce/s can be granted againft him; the 
remedy for an evil or for favor is by petition, as you do to 
Congrefs and to your Prefident. The king can do no more 
than the contract of relation ftipulates. 

Rep. — "Render unto Cafar the things which are C<efars> 
and unto God the things that are God'' 's." The rights of 
the people are as much God's rights as the rights of kings, 
each having a right to his own. God alone, it is, who is 
over all. The fyftem of kingly government and inftitutions 
involves queftions of dignity and paramount authority, 
which fimple Republicanifm avoids. We have no fuch 
queftion as to which is paramount, the church authority or 
ftate, nor queftions of confcience outlide of written law. 

Dem. — Our maxim is, do what is right according to 
common fenfe, let the reft take care of itfelf If / or my 
boy is the beft man in the ftate for any particular fervice, / 
and he want the chance; that's what Democracy's fighting 
for. 

Rep. — Not entirely. Under the European fyftem it's 
fighting againft clafs legiflation; the plural fyftem of vot- 
ing; the all againft the many or xhtfew. It is fighting for 
the privilege of human development to all, that its manhood 
may be more of enlightened manhood \ and lefs fubject to 
focial or fociety burthens. Where the few govern, their 
wants and neceffities are greater than when the many gov- 
ern; and the many governing have wants and unnecejfaries 
greater than when the all are mafters under civil and Chrif- 
tian enlightenment and regulation. 

Dem. — "Under civil and Chriftian enlightenment and 
regulation" is the excufe for Prieft or King Power, which 
means 'get money from the People," and through our 



22 

women-fuperftition, exercife control over our refources and 
perfons. 

Rep. — You quite miftake the office of Clergyman, Par- 
fon, or Pried:, for thefe names all reprefent different ideas, 
but their calling is all one. His million is one of inftruc- 
tion in a department of learning and intelligence wherein 
we, from our various callings, are neceffarily deficient; if 
not deficient, we are prompted to deeds of Charity and Love, 
and good will, which fociety in its complex character, fuch 
a variety of cafts of humanity, requires the conftant influ- 
ence of thofe whofe opportunities of education in culture, 
moral and phyfical development, will elevate the ftandard 
of its tone and character. The things between God and 
man are few, but they mull be told often. The hiftory of 
the world is nothing, but the development of the ideas of 
freedom; the glory of the idea, and the end of manhood 
development, is the moral as well as phyfical realization of 
its fpirit. Befides, mankind is being taught all the time by 
outward and inward influence, by contact as well as reflec" 
tion; and the more elevated his affociation, the more free- 
dom and happinefs is there in all fociety. 

Mon. — To accomplifh which there is a beft form of Gov- 
ernment. Schemes of Philofophers of ideal Republics or 
Democracies, however brilliant the example-pictures of the 
dead or living, are but as the ftars, which give little light 
becaufe they are fb high! Numbers being the rule, the 
world-example favors monarchy, particularly as people grow 
older, with greater values and rights at flake. For the nrit 
twelve centuries of the Chriftian Era the entire world was 
under Monarchical government; no Oligarchy or Democ- 
racy exifted. While it is true the Grecian Republics began 
with kingly government, and Rome had her feven kings, 
the period is fo remote, and under a different fyftem or fyf- 
tems of Religion, that their example to northman races is 



/ 



2 3 

of little weight; and the fact that the cry of manhood de- 
velopment, univerfal fuffrage, is affociated with the idea of 
a change of fyftem to that of Oligarchy or Democracy, is 
an evidence of a downward tendency of older organized, 
governments and peoples, the general decay of fociety and 
races, which has always been going on in the world, till the 
older capitals become ruins, and their races become extinct. 
Monarchy, the reliduary legatee of all Republics, does not 
change its fyftem, but its laws, to meet new ideas; but Re- 
publics inevitably fall into Monarchies. 

R e p t — The Republics and Democracies of which you 
fpeak were isolated. How about Republics in ftate, united 
under a Republic paramount but of limited Power, but 
with guarantee of Republican form of Government? The 
United States fyftem virtually operates as a guarantee to the 
Republican Form of the Central Power, as it, by the ex- 
prefs words of the Conftitution, guarantees it to the State. 

Mon. — The United States, up to this period, lefs than a 
century old, is an exception and an experiment. You 
never have yet thought much of the law of your own na- 
ture and race — did not think it poffible that you would 
have actual civil war fo foon. You are as much Saxon as 
England; and with all your Peace-love, and more extended 
liberty, enlightenment, theology, and fchool inftitutions, do 
you know that from the death of the firft great Saxon leader, 
Hengift, who laid the foundation of the Saxon Octarchy in 
England — I fay, do you know that from the date of his 
death up to the breaking out of the firft Civil Saxon War 
is the fame length of time from the recognition of the 
American independence to the breaking out of your civil 
war? Has your complex fyftem and the enlightened ftate 
of your fociety prolonged the interval of peace between 
wars — above all civil war? I (hall let Hengift argue with 
you prefently. 



2 4 

Rep. — It may have been a miftake in our Father to have 
predicted that Slavery was the vulnerable point, our heel 
inftitution, to be the caufe of our diffolution; their appre- 
henfion upon that point put us upon our guard; but did it 
deitroy the Union? 

Dem. — And during this very tornado-war haven't we 
made immenfe development? Are we lefs democratic? 

Mon. — It is not unfrequent that the Monarchical princi- 
ple, which is above all law, not below it, the king can do 
wrong, that is to fay, he can not commit any breach of law 
civil or criminal — I fay, it is not unfrequent that the Mo- 
narchical principle has to be fupported through the affections, 
as you, Republicus and Democraticus, are wedded to your 
fyftems. Kings form a lingle caft or order, as well as their 
iffue, and only intermarry one with another; and the fyftem 
is attractive, as witnefs the ten thoufand Americans in Paris 
alone, fpending there fifty millions of francs a year. And 
more than that, the amount of American travel and refi- 
dence in Europe, the expenditure of which is quite enough 
to pay the intereft on your national debt, if not enough to 
pay your whole national expenfes, for which you get by 
way of return the advantage of travel, your wearing ap- 
parel, and the pleafure you enjoy in being in or near titled 
fociety. 

Dem. — Yes, Americans have great curiofity. 

Mon. — The Power of Government has to be lodged 
fbmewhere. In any particular act done, the numbers that 
decide it do not add to the right of the thing; numbers 
can only add to its popular ftrength; but that's not certain, 
or the temporary weight attached to it; but if it's a queftion 
of executive action, numbers rather leffens the probability 
of its being right, becaufe of the time neceffary to get at 
the judgment; whereas the action of one will is more 



2 5 

prompt, a thing of pregnant importance in governing. The 
weight of a vote is more pregnant than the number of them. 

Rep. — All you have told us about executive ability and 
the Power of Government is true, but I infill: that its source 
and duration muft be by law bafed upon the frequently ex- 
ercifed elective principle. I can not tolerate the principle 
of arTalTination. nor what Ariitotle has told us — that in fbme 
of the older Oligarchies they took a public oath "to hate 
the people ', and to do them all pojfible harm." 

Man. — As I have before ftated, or intended to, no mon- 
arch dare continue in conflict with juft public criticiim. 
His ftrength lies with the hearty fupport of the fubject or 
citizen. Louis XIV. organized continental defpotifin, and 
it was tyranny — his various refined contrivances for weaken- 
ing and lowering the heads of the old French nobleffe — 
and his fucceffors had to pay for it. Voltaire, Rousseau, 
Dederot, were but the forefhadowing inftruments of the 
Revolution of '89; the caufe lies deeper in the innate frailty 
of the human fpirit. You muft admit that the very prin- 
ples of Liberty and Freedom have been birthed in the 
minds of a majority of authors living under monarchical 
governments. 

Dem. — I don't admit any luch thing; they come from 
God to man in his natural ftate, before human fbciety was 
formed. 

Rep. — Ariitotle taught Alexander, whole father Philip 
thanked the Gods, not fb much for giving him a fbn as the 
giving him in an age when Ariftotle lived to be his in- 
structor; and Montefquion lived in the latter part of Louis 
XIV. and the fore part of Louis XV. reign. Lock, De 
Tocqueville, Voltaire, Rousseau, Dederot, Von Humboldt, 
Mills, the Napoleons — not to go on — were all liberty-lov- 
ing, human development men; and Chrift was born and 
lived under a ftate of governmental blight. Rut this is the 
4 



26 

age of Steam, Railroad, Telegraph, and Giant Gunpowder! 
Thefe limple governmental caufes annihilate old forms and 
traditions. Inventions have a more potate application than 
old principles. Phylical things have always governed the 
world; fympathy and words of duty only milk O'Dumla. 1 

Mon. — I know the cow O'Dumla fed the giant Ymir, 
at leaft fo goes the old northman fable. The beft form of 
political rule is a Pure Monarchy without an ariftocratic 
clafs. 

Rep. — Without a check, except upon Democraticus' 
principle of Revolution and blood? Why, -all mankind 
in its life relation is the flave by natural law to checks and 
balances. If he overruns, or overeats, or is over-ambitious, 
he is checked. 

Mon. — It is the vicioufnefs in human nature that makes 
Monarchy a neceffity; and if there are many inftances of 
tyranny and abufe of power, it arifes from the general prev- 
alence of the fyftem from the beginning of government, 
over that of any other form. Remember the conquered 
Democracies of antiquity were not incorporated with the 
Imperial State, but ruled as Dependencies. But I mult 
ftop. Would you like to hear from Hengift, the Saxon 
leader, whofe blood now pervades the controlling elements 
of the world"? He fpeaks in verfe, and argues upon the 
American fyftem. 

Dew.- — I fhould like to hear from his fpirit, but he had'nt 
better talk Monarchy! 

Rep. — I am ready to hear from any quarter. Omne ig- 
notum pro magnifico eft. (Every thing unknown is taken 
for magnificent.) 

1 Sometimes written O'Edumla and Audhumla. 



PART II. 



Everybody who knows the author is well aware how totally 
incapable he is, of his own motion, to write in the fpirit ftyle of 
Hengift. 

If the fpirit of the dead long departed can communicate to 
the world, and have an influence over the living, why not Hen- 
gift to exprefs his own emotion, not alone on government, but 
on other trivial things? 

He is likely to fpeak from the monarchical ftand-point, but it 
by no means follows that his governmental Philofophy is beft 
adapted to this country ; yet he has a right to be heard. 

THE AUTHOR. 

Hartford, December 20th, 1869. 



28 



Persons. 
HENGIST, REPUBLICUS, DEMOCRATICUS. 

I. 

Hengift's voice is a fpirit voice that fpeaks ; 
"In the olden day when your race iiland'd, 1 
Now fpread o'er a continent in leaks 
Marfhalling, new world, meadow or highland! 
Your Father-kings hop'd on for an Empire; 
Their wars were bloody, their Faith, what it brings 
They lived obedient to their great Sire 
Odin, the God! from whom all virtue fprings; 

They conquered peoples in Northern Europe, northman 

Swells to Empire ! Slavonian in the van ! 



II. 

"Slavon! Finn! Saxon! Jutes! Angles! all Teutons, 2 

All from Sythia, from the old far Eaft, 

All northmen, a word fuiting, try it on, 

Which means God-Race, and not that of beaft ! 

Our name has fuffer'd, we had no letters, 

You have them to ferve romances, evil, 

We ftudied race to learn our betters, 

If fuch there were, of Fria, Thor, or Devil, 
Race-law, that is the law, governing like Heaven, 
Which changes no Matter from the beginning, ev'n. 

1 The Saxons inhabited the iflands of Helegoland, North Strand, etc., 
at the mouth of the Elb, emigrated to England, thence to America. 

2 It mould be borne in mind that Hengift is fpeaking of thefe races in 
the light of being northmen, not that of modern antiquarian claffification. 



2(J 



III. 

"No Elections, but all in word fummoned, 
No tyranny, for all became one will, 
And all the pain-life illumin'd like Drummond 
Ending in virtue, like your Sun-Day, ftill, 
Prince or Editor! both in the fame place; 
How do they differ but in the word-name 
Both in their office, the fphere over race, 
For good, for evil, refult is the fame ; 

The one is unbridled, the other hath no need 

No party to tumble, no revenges for feed. 

IV. 

"States that are Sovereign muft have an Empire, 
If Union is good, to ftrengthen, preferve, 
Call him Prefident, Vice-King, he's your Sire, 
All names for a day, the hour, its pleafure ; 
Prince or Editor, both are deftructives; 
Both, in common prey upon fociety, 
Both from their ftand-point act for gain to live, 
To earn food and fame to fatiety ; 
To ferve their pleafure-God up to Him whofe breath 
Is every where; was, before time-things, you call wealth. 

V. 

"A voice is fpeaking, voice Antiquity, 
Now in your land with its many titles; 
Priefts, Judges, words not in obliquity, 
Governors, Generals, long lift requitals ; 
And Honorables in number fo great 
And potent, that the animalcule air 
Doth not outnumber, to ferve ftates and State, 
In quelmes conscience, and all below fo fair, 
A very Legiflator, with printeres abundant, 
Sees name expanding, corporation redundant. 



3P 



VI. 

" Refpectability of Times is in 

The unknown, as you fee it in your climes; 

The unwritten of in days that have been 

Of church and ftate, fteeples in their chimes. 

Your old Puritan was of our races; 

Tired of Liberty civil goes fighting 

The firft law of his nature, its laces, 

A very Saxon ftill at work Kite-ing, 
And in the four years civil war overfhadows hiftory, 
His, that has been ; modern, and its trite myftery." 

VII. 

You want fomething and know not what it is. 
It's Empire! upon principles unknown; 
Majefty ! all-high — fupernatural buflinefs — 
And Dignity — truth — God-word — all in one. 
Its capital of all arts, apex of defign, 
Covering miles many, the work of years, 
Superlative in gold, jewels to outfhine, 
The Sun ! with paintings, halls of many cheers, 
Airs ambrofial, women, and gardens, and fountains, 
Covering fpace, valley, rivers, to fnowy capp'd mountains. 

VIII. 

"And the old Doctor of Laws and Phyfic, 
Theology but it muft be but one — 
For numbers in that gives Nation phthisic — 
Labor eight hours a day by the fun, 
And leifure to help the growing Empire ! 
To have all these in perfectability, 
Some human form to weild idea, the Sire ! 
With rules iron in delegability ! 
The people muft be taught this by force and prayers, 
'Twill not be difficult, in time, to fill the chairs." 



3 1 



IX. 

A glowing heat, centralizing Sun! 
Whofe fix'd laws control the whole univerfe! 
In whofe power and grandeur, theirs but one, 
Nothing to be compared with ! its purfe 
Is gold, every thing is gold! and jewels! 
With nought to do but to accumulate ! 
The ftates to do government, its fuels 
And fire-wars, by them their fervice to ftate ! 

Univerfities all upon Capitol Hill 

To learn every thing as if by voice — God's Will!" 

X. 

"And music flowing and wines all ftreaming 
Illuminations, to-day the night hours, 
And fair women in revelry, feaming, 
Chorufing voices fragrant as flowers; 
Pleafing memories to dwell on the hill — > 
Valley by gufhing fountains fweetly green 
Songs perpetual on the night air ftill, 
Paradife gorgeous is the happy fcene, 
Fruitful in every thing, fruitful in all pleafures, 
The Empire Capital, fun-feafon, all treafures !" 

XL 

Republicus. 
" But, Hengift, we are, in this life, mortal, 
Men and women with frailties abound ; 
Deftiny willeth — what can it foretell? 
But finger on Time through life's chilly round ? 
Little government, little our defires, 
Simple our habits, our hopes, beyond life, 
To be immortal our foul too, afpires, 
Beyond beaftly ways, higher than its strife; 
We have our houfes civil, commerce in full fail, 
Earth culture bringing wealth without its tempeft gale. 



3 2 



XII. 

"All true," fays Hengift, "and letters — all true, 
And Gunpowder, Thought-Lightning, Iron Car — 
Do they change Nature — what you are to do? 
By unwritten law dotted by the ftar? 
Body is not fed by Nomadic dreams; 
Grafs is all lowly, fimple for the herd ; 
One may eat grafs through life's filver'd ftreams, 
But nature gives more by its every word; 
And man by his habit who will choofe animal, 
Should not grieve if he fall a prey to cannibal.- 

XIII. 

"You wafte. Since your Revolution, 1 its day, 
Your wafte would have built many a temple, 
Your wafte atoning in heat of fun, ray, 
Would out-fplendor all earthly fample 
Of great gorgeous palaces — in mind 
Solomon's Temple in all its glory ! 
The achievement of brain, dumb things its glory, 
Making race happy to live in ftory ! 
There is fomething wanting, you are never at eafe, 
Stripes ripen to rednefs, your life is but a teafe." 

XIV. 

Republicus. 
"Powerful are we not." (Hengift.) — "All races are, 

In Nomadic ftate, wandering about; 

Strength is in the activity to dare ! 

Quicknefs of conflict ! in fiege or rout ; 

If you could remain all ftationary, 

Relatively you have nothing to fear; 

But what ftate flops? in life rationally, 

Upward to the ftars, downward to the bier, 
You can not change the law, nothing remains the fame, 
No-thing that was but £f, will £<?, no-thing but fame. 

1 1776. 



33 



xv. 

Republicus. 
"We are happy, have letters — don't want kings — 
Nobility — it's Prieftcraft inhuman." 
Hen. — u You have Kings, Prieftcraft, Princes, and earth-things, 
But by another name born of woman; 
It is not your laws made by you controls, 
It's fear of name in daily newspaper, 
Books, Society and their many fouls, 
Which mafters you, keeps you from capers. 
Feel ye not the Tyrant brain-blows on printed rags, 
Brain-blows by Prince the more becaufe he fwells and brags ? 

XVI. 

Republicus. 
" Kings abforb riches, feduce our women, 
And Nobility favors their vices." 
Hen. — "Kill them. That's the law of Nature's true-man, 
Nor fear not if it brings on a crifes ! 
But abforption is not the law of Kings, 
Princes, Nobility, nor is feduction; 
Both have exifted under every wing 
Of ftate turpitude — its obstruction ; 
And whirls the morals of your civil fociety 
To the winds, the fport of Odin, infobriety. 

XVII. 

"If the law has no Majesty, there's no 

Majefty in law. A pofitive dead 

And a negative, for friend or foe 

Is a prayer to the Devil — all well faid; 

Or, more in practice, in our turbid times, 

The memory of good deeds {lumbering away, 

Forgotten — in the dread clashing of climes, 

Unheralded by the juft of the day, 
That lie all conceal'd like virtues, in great void 
Profound in the deep! for ever unemployed. 
5 



& 



34 



XVIII. 

Republicus. 
"Oh, I fee, your way imperfonates law, 
Ours idealizes it for the hour." 
Hen. — "Yes, imperfonates it, as God does in War, 
Or Peace, its workings all in its power. 
Idol, ideal majefty is old, 

And againft your Faith, Chriftianities worth, 
And is remnant of barbarifm cold; 
No advance in it — a cloud in its birth. 
A thing popular is a fenfation pregnant, 
To give birth a circle, more likely its fegment." 

XIX. 

Republicus. 
"We are not barbarians but in the higheft 
State of modernized civilization !" 
Hen. — "So moralize, in murder nigheft, 

And crime of every hue on the nation. 
You have ripened to the beginning 
Of civil warfare, learned to tafte its blood ! 
Crimfon are the waves, Cain is Able-ing, 
Virtues, chaftity to the ufes — ftud ! 
Look at the great ocean of concealed vices 
Known to victims and actors, germinating a crfiis ! 

XX. 

"You have no Martyrs but of Faith — Odin, 
No St. Alban of Verulam, Aaron, 
Julius of Legions. 1 Yours is a Code-in, 
Big houfes, cities, Society's baron ! 
Society is in men and women, 
Not in their houfes ! Put into them rats, 
Is Society rat or houfe, trueman ? 
With tafte Solomon, or catty like bat, 
Houfes never made a people nor changed nature^ 
But habits; animal all the fame rang'd creature." 



City of Legions. See Geoffrey of M.'s Britifh Hiftory. 






35 



XXI. 

"And your Odin-Halls in every town, villages, 

Crofs-rode, mows the Idol, Faith, is mafter ftili. 

Spasmodically the law pillages 

The unlicenfed Halls, makes them foot the bills -, 

A convenient way of raifing taxes ; 

Not forgetting bawdries, hopeful 

Where your modern world turns on its axis ; 

Some fuch way — happy-nappy — and doleful. 
Why ! the Times were full of Fire, leadened the ray 
Like thunder-battle, night-glare, iron, lead-hail, the fprav 

XXII. 

"Turn to brighter fcenes which nature giveth 
In Sun-Light, and Moon, and Stars, defcending 
The fport, fpirit land, where the foul liveth, 
Where Sire and Song-life — old words defending 
Becaufe thev are the Word — the law fulfilling, 
Which the man-atom, obeys diffolving, 
And therefore fprings the foul-ray, light willing 
For Eternity a ftar revolving, 

And go there on old principles democratic ! 

Majorities, numbers, fo purely demon-attic ! 

XXIII. 

''Sovereigns! men, women, Sovereign every where, 
In home caftle, church, fpirits afcending, 
No Society of Love free from care, 
No Alma Mater, no Sire blending, 
To be the common parent of people, 
To be the Soul of Honor, its wifdom, 
The mould of fafhion, prayer in fteeple, 
The brighter!: gem in all world's diadem ; 
None of these things worldly, to get them in a trice, 
Die early, gem fparkling, gather ? m in Paradife! 



# 



XXIV. 

"We can not argue; learning muft alone 
Convince in all her good time, the mind-man, 
When pajjions fleeping, reafon mounts her throne, 
And man feels not, but thinks, in ages ran 
Along time-tide, back to the beginning, 
And fees the Empires dotted all the way, 
Old fplendors, virtues, voices are finging 
In fcenes like our funfet in fummer day, 

Can we not do fomething like it for our glory, - 

A century employment to live in ftory ? 

XXV. 

"Nature has made the fpot — I fee it ! 
But where I will not fay — for men to laugh at, 
Where there could be more Majefty and great wit 
Than the world has known — nor fool to carp at — 
Where the fcene itfelf is Majefty's will 
Imperfonated ; where genius of all 
Art could aid to make Majefty thrill 
Through the foul, like immortal call 
To all the world ! The new world will wield the power, 
Come it muft, in filence tripping as the hour. 

XXVI. 

"I tell thee, within this century of years, 
As a nation, you will have reach'd in all 
A hundred million ! And louder the echo cheers 
Over a thoufand millions at the call 
The laft funfet of th' fecond century, 
A thoufand millions of people for Empire ! 
One Government ! One Will to ftar its way 
Over the. unborn! One Faith to infpire 

With wealth untold, the grandeur of the new world 

Surpaffing all of Earth's hiftory to behold! 



37 



XXVII. 

11 Why, it's not magic, but is ftern old fact, 
A continent is to be peopled full, 
The fwelling tide of population impact 
Rufhing, wave on wave, like Norway's fwelling pool, 
Dafhing and furging on time with its wing! 
Backward the current fets, onward the feas roll, 
The gale air zephyrs, the new morning fpring 
The workman labors earth wealth to unfold ! 
Abundance every where, and the great works of art 
Have naught to equal them of man's nature apart. 

XXVIII. 
"I can not argue, impulfe in my race 
And name, early life — I know to commune 
With nature and — fince converfion apace, 
Of great Ethelbert 1 without madnefs moon — 
To read God's word in books, reftores the foul, 
Brings Peace and all light out of darknefs' ftorm ; 
All can hear and fee it, even to the mole, 
And be infpired, and breathe the light and form 

For future ufes — I can not argue — but feel 

The old world chang'd to great New, for Love and fteel ! 

XXIX. 

"But let it be peace; new moulded Empire. 
Save your waitings in wars and old wrongs, 
To make gardens, build Paradife, to infpire 
New power-love for the millions, there throngs, 
That all Europe and Afia vifit you, 
See the new birthing of Continent new, 
Gathering in wealth, Light, for ufes true, 
As flowers, forefts, gather morning dew; 

Empires, German, Roman, or Babylonian, 

Or Afiatic, all outdone — finking into one. 

1 King of Kent, and afterwards Bratwalda, Hengift's grandfon. 



38 



XXX. 

" Man to-day is the newfpaper he reads ; 

His law controlling — their feed well planted. 
They are not without tyranny which feeds 
Difeaf'd appetite with foul enchanted ! 
As the curl'd-headed, white-fkinn'd, beautiful 
Angles Have awoke Chriftian fympathy 
Centuries ago ! So, all dutiful 
The foul, fpiriting in change nymphily, 
Seeing the Chinefe, it looks on the Sun-Car way 
As the needle to the pole — the law of deftiny. 

XXXI. 

''Nations of Sovereigns, white, black, all colors, 
The old amalgam of virtue's Empire, 
Lion and lamb loving fifh, pork, crullers, 
In one round ftomach, earth, heaven, nigher, 
Neighbors watching each like of olden time; 
But my Mufe muft ftop, birth'd not behind bars, 
Nor 'mid Elyfian fields in warm clime, 
Nor on Quebec's height in thought of old wars, 
But in old Solitude 'midft crowds of the unknown, 
Where man is buffeted, the very race his own." 

XXXII. 

"Society has its 'culmings' — watch-fire 
For fections, as man is to his neighbor; 
It's an abforbant, check'd by wits higher, 
Which Time-womb yieldeth, always in labor; 
To war upon the Puritan cures no 
Evil — he is the Saxon with his wants, 
Marauding God-Light, pupilage, juft fo ! 
Now an Angel, now a wolf in his haunts. 
The brain is all confuf'd in age, many letters, 
Struggles, and ftrands, the iffue prove their betters. 



39 



XXXIII. . 
"No Vice-Royalty for Canada ours 

Up to the Revolution. England will fee it ! 

We make our own in time without mowers 

Red, to ftultify — crimfon a "wee bit." 

May be in deluge ! confult aftrology, 

The fcience of (tars, the art foretelling 

Events earthy, without apology, 
Through the afpect of the great heavenly bodies 
Worlds on worlds, their grandeur! — the brain muddies. 

XXXIV. 

"The blood Puritan, that of cavalier, 

From the fame fountain, brothers quarrelling 

The more bitter from habits folitaire — 

Needs reft, a little time for moraling. 

The feud between the two is on the land 

For generations — families unknown 

Where majorities overwhelm againft band 

One or the other — but the feed is fown, 
The old majorities and families dying, 
The tone of fections change, the old heart fighing. 

XXXV. 

"Do you pray for it? Prayer is not paffion's 
Relief when corner'd, but the ftill fmall voice 
From Faith believing, fo out of fafhion — 
Hath in it God-thoughts, God-love, from man's choice 
His mind expanding with his time knowledge 
Of unwritten laws and world's univerfe, 
Which unfolds to foul, in, out of college, 
If he's not brigand, fociety's curfe, 

And even he once could hope in the eternal, 

Till fociety made him a little infernal." 



4 o 



XXXVI. 

"Wont Time, in ftaid old Hartford fteeples high, 
Bring them to tilt-war in our very ftreets ? 
Of courfe not; we are fo fainted, God-nigh, 
Odin hath no chance in fociety's fweets; 
I fhall not moulder long, before the crafh 
Comes of contending ideas in the church, 
Alarms lit by the ftill fmall voice all hum! 
Fires, temples burning, inmates left in lurch ! 
This is old war, but now we are fo enlightened, 
Of courfe, we'll yield our Faith, women 'Id get frightened. 

XXXVII. 

"The audacity of Fame! little rays — 

Carolina, Virginia, Georgia — 

Meets audacity fchool-mafter, his ways 

New England fafhion a La Goegey. 

The fchool-mafter all heartlefs and cold 

Is a tyrant, nor has he redemption 

In his foul cruel, to light children bold 

In loves, hopes, follies, we do not mention. 
All human offices, plume fymbolical names 
As man's is, denoting character, caufe, wars, fames. 

XXXVIII. 

U A paper government, treafon on the gale, 
A Davis flying, Greeley in his beak, 
Republic fifhy, got to be a whale, 
Sovereigns every where, habits, not to fpeak ! 
There is a ftar in cloud by Lake falty 
In the wildernefs — you know what I mean — 
Star or cloud rifing, perhaps 'tis faulty, 
Should think fo, if truth old liveth, is feen! 
The Devil's getting friendly, fomething's out of joint, 
State, Church, know the fecret, we'll foon come to the point. 



4i 



XXXIX. 

"Since this poem line, fince it was written, 
From the Metropolis hear ye the cry, 
'The Imperialift !' fome quack brain fmitten, 
Monarch Meleneum without a figh ! 
Old fociety is fick— on the wane, 
Wild crimes — lechery, all alive, fo true, 
But where's the virtues that are not infane ? 
The Imperial Party to ferve and do, 

When monarch forms arife above the people, 

Virtues are paramount in Society, fteeple. 

XL. 

"Society is on a dead level; 
Requires a Wit to make that level dead. 
We are in Empire — good fliare of d — 1, 
Can ne'er efcape from that for which we've bled. 
The difficulty is there is not found 
Something by way of contraft to build upon \ 
Virtues and vices clafT'd, you may be bound 
Are neceflary, except ours, in one, 
Hotchpotch the ftates and ftate ? delectably fo, 
Patch up old parchments, but govern outfide you know. 

XLI. 

"What lettered parchment rules God's Univerfe? 
What "Bill of Rights" or conftitution learned? 
To make atoms change life hours to hearfe 
Man the exception never to be Urned ? 
The truth is the Owl governs more than law, 
The Owl-form things that are not new, human, 
If they get mixed why it's only war, 
Then human water-drops from man and woman. 
The tear 's a law, fwelling to Deluge like the fea's 
Firft great employment, for our anceftor, you, me ! 
6 



4 2 



XLII. 

" Bufhnell fettles the queftion of woman's rights, 
But from the ftand-point of round fixty-one ; 
She to be fubdued all by day or night, 
Her Providence — work like ray of fun, 
Here's the difficulty; the better judgment 
Of old years is not of youth's heated blood; 
The fufFrage queftion, what by it is meant 
Is, by youth decided in or out of flood, 
The active fovereignty, the energy that rules, 
Is in mafles male, female, outfide the fchools. - 

XLIII. 

"Bufhnell on women, he in his old age 

Muft give way to Stowe in a quandary, 

Not about Byron as Poet or Sage, 

But "my Lady jealousy" like, of Laundry; 

Of his good Sifter, his fweet love for her 

All animal, not a fhade of Chriftian ! 

His crime unequaled, fee ! the cat will purr 

Till dead then to fcratch ! if not all fuftian, 
But really who dare complain of right in women, 
To fet three fpirits (dead) in quarrel, like true-men. 

XLIV. 

" Oh woman ! the bright particular ftar 
To guide us in this dim world of woldings, 1 
And moor into the deep blue heavens afar, 
Where there are no quarrels, jealoufies, worldlings. 
Of purer life and light we know not of, 
But feel the infpiration when the foul moves 
To approach its Deity above 
In fweet heaven-born marriages of Loves ! 

Not cattled, like loves for gold, above, little 

Courtezan relation — fo to make life brittle. 

1 Wold and wald with the Saxons fignified a ruler or governor; from 
whence Bartwold is a famous governor; Ethwold a noble governor, e tc 



43 



XLV. 

"Youth, beauty, in their hours all hopeful 
Eafily imprefT'd love art, fcience, beautiful, 
You give them a Penitentiary, rape full — 
Infane Retreats, work-houfes, dutiful. 
Even your churches look all gloom, forrowful, 
The war love goes on — the happy fpirit 
Grows timid, finks flow to the horrowful, 
See it ! faft life, the reward of merit, 
Except with thofe whofe love feeds on hope, fo cold, 
Of fame beyond decay, hopeful beyond old mould. 

XLVI. 
"Have we a government outfide of the Church 

And Prefs? if fo, where is it? It's virtue 

Apace like dreams or night-mare, in lurch 

The victim ftruggles as if 'twould hurt you. 

We have the burthen without the bleffing 

Of good governing power creative, 

All the Inns refpectability preffing ! 

Glorious fymbol ! ruftic! abortive! 
To fwell the tide of human fufFering and folly, 
States on a bender — a whole nation get jolly. 

XLVII. 

"You have two Bedlams, how they brag and grow 
New York the harbor for the Eaftern World, 
For Afia there's St. Francifco you know, 
Bedlams hedging in Republics cold; 
Their funlight 's fpreading o'er a continent, 
Radiating to towns and villages, 
And farms-people many wonder what it meant 
Or means, Saxon by the ears at Pilligies ! 
Empire prevents all this, if not, let vote the women 
So the fight is general, lefs woe to the men. 



44 



XLVIII. 
"But to return — are my houfehold idols 
Warm of my blood and full of Chriftian Love, 
To be inftructed by beftowy vigils? 
In worldly marriages involve and Dove 
'As the proper goal and right terminus 
Of a wild and diffipated career,' 
'The appointed million' without much fufs 
' Of good women,' for gold nor thought of tear, 
'To receive wandering prodigals' all in 'rags 
And difgraces of their old life' and money-bags, 



XLIX. 

"And wine, women — 'and put rings on their hands, 
And fhoes on their feet' — them to introduce 
'Clothed in their right minds,' to all faintly bands, 
'In honorable career' for 'fociety' use. 1 
What morals here but profligacy grand ? 
Cattle marriages; no true Sacrament; 
Loves like animal and like them to band. 
While moralift gaze wonder what it meant. 
There is — there can be no marriage by Chriftian rule 
But in Mutual Love, good in Honor the fchool. 

1 Stan. XLVIII., XLIX. "Marriage has often been reprefented as 
the proper goal and terminus of a wild and diffipated career, and it has 
been fuppofed to be the appointed miflion of good women to receive 
wandering prodigals, with all the rags and difgraces of their old life upon 
them, and put rings on their hands and fhoes on their feet, and introduce 
them, clothed and in their right minds, to an honorable career in fociety." 

True Story. 

[Clergymen, Authors, nor Editors, are not infallible. Old Hengift 
may catch it before the work is through.] 



4? 



L. 

"My foul's immortal! this is not belief 
But knowledge; a truth thing I do know! 
One can not (how it as the fun, the leaf 
Sun-foul lighting it in pleafures or woe. 
The fpider threads, and fpins, and builds his houfe, 
Man threads life away but leaves no web, 
Voices above the fpider or the loufe, 
Unheard fphere-mufic like that of cherub, 
And in his commune with the wide World- Univerfe 
Sees his foul birthing, light-loving, beyond the hearfe. 

LI. 
"The pointing grafs, fhrub, tree-top, mountain peak, 
Waves leaping, fhip's maft ! all warm blood that leaps 
The heart throws down and up the ftill brain to feek, 
The ground tendril round the old oak creeps ! 
What fpeaketh thefe to man foul communing? 
What the night hour, worlds on worlds, blue-ing, 
The never ending hope-life confuming, 
The never ending prayer for things, fue-'mg? 
Why ! the part not mortal is immortal — the Soul, 
Chameleon colorings, eye vifions point to one goal.' , 

LII. 

"Oh full of horror are the bleeding times, 
A Maximilian murdered 1 in cold blood, 
And Santa Anna 2 groans amid church chimes, 
Bell-ring waving o'er crimfoning flood! 
Empire mult be feafoned, red the ground, 
Broad the fympathies before it takes root, 
The death of Martyrs makes the good re-bound, 
And nearer Empire, Mexico the fchoot ! 
We have Vice Royalty in Canada, northman, north 
Swelling to Empire, new glories, what they are worth. 

1 This was written before the actual execution took place. 

2 Of all quondam heroes he's the greater!, always part. 



4 6 



LIII. 

"My heart fympathies for thofe that lie cold, 
Within a week my heart's choiceft idol 
Has been infulted by a mifcreant bold ! 
But let it pafs — life's fitful requitals — 
We have to atone for fomebody's fins. 
Now a fnake's crawling, betwines an owl ftares, 
The world's problem is, for the ftar that wins 
The world's Prelate, or the Lion that dares, 
I am worn almoft to madnefs in this hour 
Of private war, perfecution, gold, its power. 

LIV. 

"The unlettered Indian was fwept 
Away by means, ends, we do not mention ; 
In time their dark friends in flavery kept, 
Excite fympathy — our condefcenfion. 
We raife them to arms and letters pregnant ; 
And in the feed, the work of our own hands, 
Our defcendants find, in circles fegment, 
The bloody race-wrong, deluging the land — 
Ifn't it fo? God working through race, all his people, 
To ends by choice, enlightenment of his fteeple. 

LV. 

"The Deluge drowning every living thing 
But fuch the ark can bare of lify world, 
The floods retire, to earth a new-born fpring, 
The fifh germ birthing man-animal, blood all cold, 
Or warm, it may be, difpute not the fact, 
From fuch a germ the races would differ, 
Of flimy caverns, fand-mounds, fun in tact, 
But then the Garden birth we, perhaps, prefer, 
To the dark earth'd fifh-flime, which has no poetry, 
There ifn't much in human nakednefs — fo let it be. 



47 



LVI. 

"The Salachians are themfelves a clafs, 
Oldest type of vertebrates on earth, 
Fifh, like animal, with head, cheft, to pafs 
Abdominal and caudal of real worth, 
Which lays few eggs, other fifh by thoufands, 
"Wonderful its brain," 1 but we'll not go on, 
There is a caufe for man, and germ unlearn'd 
Beyond the Temple, beyond fpace, in One, 
Beyond the death dew change, liken it to a foul, 
Which is a germ groweth for new worlds beyond the Pole. 

LVII. 

"Germ is every where; God is every where; 
God, caufe, and germ, element the fame; 
But one is paramount to do and dare ! 
Is everlafting! — like God, like fame! 
Down in the ocean-water there is a germ 
Of every fifh-type, monfter, clafs, or tiny, 
Swallow the water, the hot fun to warm 
Birth-life in celTpool — gravel-bed of niney, 
And for Earth — fee Monkeys, Apes, and Orang-Outangs, 
Animals of all clafs fpring, with, without fangs. 

LVIII. 

"But the cold world and its dull deftiny 
Is ruled by law-fact, unfeen controlling 
The nature within, acting in its way — 
Men-balls, fact-pins, power-wit, bowling. 
Some of the pins are knock'd aiide in death, 
Some are new moulded to anfwer a turn, 
Some men-ball are cricket not worth a breath, 
Some have fame, fome fuffer, and, may be, burn; 
Make a fpeech to them, be careful quote no folly, 
Work hard, do good, be laugh'd at, die, or get jolly. 

1 Agaffiz. 



48 



LIX. 
u For ourfelves we prefer the leaft evil, 

The one buoys hope if not birth'd by wine, 

The other may mate us with the d — 1, 

Who keeps ftrong drinks, gold, and fuch things in line. 

I wifti I knew the way to have no wants, 

Nor hopes — to be a refpectable ftone 

On Fafhion's Beach 1 all "wordy life" and "cants," 

In hot day, wave breaking on us, as one; 
Some pebble-rock dafhed rolling where no eye has been, 
Companioned without quarrel, feeing, yet unfeen. 

LX. 

"They do not bear pains in travail birthing; 
No heart-fick, love-abufed ingratitude; 
But like an airy feather unearthing, 
Roll on unfwallowed by time's fervitude, 
No fifh eats it, no lobfter's claw claws it, 
Snugly in coral reef it may take long reft, 
No prefumptuous oyfter, tearing, chaws it, 
Caroled, pearl'd, down in the deep is its neft, 
Where the waters motionlefs, hues all chameleon, 
Dance around, fpirit-full, moon ray the poftilion. 

LXI. 

"Down in the depth's below it neftles fnugly, 
Fifh darting, jewels gliften, clouds, funfhine, 
Nor the unfeen ferpent, monfters ugly 
Difturb his weedy bed in watery brine, 
Happily he rolls where current cometh 
Like a babe fwinging way down in the deep, 
Lull'd by the fphere-fong old ocean hummeth, 
Down below the water there it can fleep, 
Roll on, dance on, hugging the ocean-earth dearly, 
Life to the joyous, white, cleanly, and untearly. 

1 Long Branch, near New York. 



49 



LXII. 

"The great Savant, 1 the genius of the hour, 
Full of all knowledge, fcience governor, 
Tell us the Firft Caufe — the Caufe! its Power 
Over fouls, brain-men, time flaves! — what for? 
And ye Mathematic, ye of (Jhemiftry, 
That can diflblve worlds! calculate the time 
It takes to make the germ of fantasy ! 
The Caufe in Law we know it, and fo rhyme, 
The Caufe is the God, to the thing that we fo know 
The God we worfhip is HIM beyond- the fo-fo. 

LXIII. 

"That makes inquirers everlafting wife, 
Who feed to govern — feed them well for fafety, 
They may be inftruments beyond the fkies 
To make a dispofition of us, waf'e we, 
And fo it is we have all profeffions, 
But I'm of the learn'd ! — I learnt it, a boy, 
And couldn't fmile at Will, in all confeihon 
May be very wrong, it feem'd an old toy, 
To govern when fcience hath not then its Empire 
Of all knowledge learn'd, man-animal to foar higher. 

LXIV. 

"Science! head of all that's earthly, ploughing on 
Beyond the time-world to its eternity ! 
Science! that unfolds miff, the lowering one, 
DifTects light, color, the germ fraternity, 
Mind, unfolding new birth, new development 
That looks bevond the border of what is 
Way into the Unknown ! — moral, life well fpent, 
Rounding hours with fact, fometimes with a quiz; 
The filk-worm's ufe and the thought-meffenger brightening 
All 'round the world quicker than one fays it's lightning. 

1 Brofeflbr Agaffiz, of Cambridge. 

7 



5° 



LXV 



"Science! with thy name this talk-hour ends, 
With thy employment no evil arife, 
The profound in thought life like, make amends 
For fins ignorant crowning worlds with fkies, 
Encourage the men who can make iron horfe, 
Wire fpeak at the antipodes, 
The leaden meffenger of death in courfe 
Go miles to {laughter, fwifter than the breeze, 
Like it, unfeen fweeping o'er the earth to the end 
Of purification, politics, to make amend!" 



£ND OF PART II. 



PART III. 



Persona. 
MONARCHICUS, REPUBLICTJS, DEMOCRAT1CUS. 



M0/7. — Before I go on I want to know whether you rep- 
resent the Republican Party. 

Rep. — No! 

Mon. — Can you prove it? 

Rep. — Yes; not to begin earlier I cite the declaration, 
"The government of man fhould be the Monarchy of rea- 
son." You can find no where in Paper, or Resolution, or 
Law, emanating from the Republican Party, such a fenti- 
ment. 

Dew. — Did you not vote that ticket? 

Rep.— No ! 

Dem. — Are you in any expectancy from the Party? 

ft?/>_No!! 

Dem. — Did n't you introduce Monarchicus into our con- 
versational circle? 

Rep. — No ! ! And now sir, Democraticus, do you rep- 
resent the Democratic Party? 

Dem. — No. 

Rep. — -Do you not vote that ticket ? 

Dem. — No! 



52 

Rep. — Are you in expectancy from the Party ? 

Dem.— No ! ! 

Rep. — Then why did you introduce Monarchicus? 

Dem. — I did not introduce him ; he came in of his own 
accord. 

Mon. — That is true. I saw you quarreling or likely to 
quarrel, and came in as did Caesar in Rome, Napoleon in 
France. 

Dem. — Have we not a right to quarrel ? 

Mon. — Yes, for civil Liberty. 

Rep. — Why did you intrude ? 

Mon. — Because, like all quarrels, they do not itop where 
they begin. 

Rep. — Why did you introduce Hengist ? 

Mon. — Because he would tell you the truth; fimple 
truth. 

Rep. — He does not flatter human pride ! 

Mon. — He did not come feeking flattery. 

Rep. — But he is coarse and vulgar, at least in part. 

Mon. — He's a Nomad, perhaps, not unlike White Cloud. 
There are evidences not to be overlooked, ftrong coinci- 
dences of customs and character, as well as Icelandic his- 
toric fact, that the Nomad of Northern Europe were pos- 
sessors of this continent long before Columbus discovered it. 

Rep. — But you are a professed out and out Monarchist; 
whom do you represent in this country? 

Mon. — No one. 

Rep. — Why then produce discord ? 

Mon. — Were you not in discord? 

Rep. — But what are you after ? What good are you 
doing, or propose to do? 

Mon. — If I should tell you you would not believe me. 

Rep. — I will believe all of truth that you can utter. 



53 

Mon. — Well then, how much government does a man 
require ? 

Rep. — He requires just as much as will secure to him 
Liberty and his focial rights. 

Moth — By how many governments? 

Rep. — Why, his rights and his Liberty being plural, he 
may require one or more. 

Mori. — For which he has to pay allegiance and taxes, 
which often involve conscience. 

Rep. — In the allegiance we pay there is no occasion for 
squeamishness of conscience. 

Mon. — Are you not taxed more than any other people 
on Earth for what you call Liberty and fecurity to your 
rights ? 

Rep. — Who complains but those who would destroy our 
fyftem? 

Mon. — It is not fair that you should thus dodge the issue, 
ill How many governments does a man require to secure 
him civil Liberty, that is, Liberty in contradistinction from 
barbarism. 2d. Do you secure it under the American 
fyftem? 

Dem. — -Yes, we fecure just what we take. There is no 
ipecial fanctity in any temporal Government. Those that 
have control of its administration, meaning the party who 
wins, conclude that they are all right, and can't fee how it 
is that the "outs" will continue fb obstinate against the en- 
lightenment of the constitution! 

Mon. — Was it ever violated? 

Dem. — Yes, for the good of all; I don't mean to go 
quite so far as to admit what I have just said, for that de- 
pends on conftruction, whether we treat the conftitution as 
vibratile or fubject to "ftrict construction." 

Mon. — Then there is fome fense in claffing those acts as 
acts in Empire, coincident and concomitant of Sovereignty. 



54 

There is no fuch thing as a divided Sovereignty, it is ab- 
solute, with the right always of felf-preservation. You 
have plural government, sometimes called a "double Gov- 
ernment," then again "two fold Government," again the 
"Dual Government," which is perhaps nearest correct. 
The fact is there is no exact definition that can be given 
to it, therefore it is a misnomer. Mankind are all equal be- 
fore the law, therefore it is not law to put one man over 
another, one fociety over another fociety, one town over 
another town, one Republican state over another or the 
many. It is a misnomer, and therefore you hear, which is 
nearest the truth of all, the United States fpoken of as the 
Republican Empire, which is in harmony with the truth, 
and should be embraced in the Constitution. The United 
States of America, in Empire. There being no human ca- 
pacity equal to the framing of a written Instrument called 
Constitution, so inspired as to anticipate all future interests 
and events, the way to remedy this human defect is peri- 
odically to change the authority of Government and incor- 
porate new principles, moved by the Understanding. 

Rep. — I fee nothing but danger in it. 

Dem. — I see a fact. 

Mon. — The danger in it is less than the danger growing 
out of Party violations of the Constitution. It gives an ex- 
cuse for action, the right or wrong of which rest where it 
belongs, on the Party acting. It may give a just cause for 
a civil revolution, but cannot one of blood. The growing 
population, increasing wealth and power of the country re- 
quires the development of the National Executive. As 
Dignity is in some measure associated with the idea of 
wealth, give him a million, or ten millions, if need be, to 
be used in expenditures in association with his office. 
The guarantee of Republican form of Government to the 
states is then worth something, for there is a power to en- 



ss 

force it. Sectional conflicts and jealousies will be easily 
subdued. There is a logical sequence in Republic — Re- 
publics — Republics in Empire, which does not exist in Re- 
public, Republics, Republic. I again repeat it, the latter 
is a misnomer. 

With such a change there can be no excuse for a change 
in your form of Government, or the name of its Executive 
officers. Men quarrel and civil wars issue from the non- 
fulfilment of agreements, the neglect of doing that which 
they of right ought to do, or the doing that which they 
ought not to do. If one party sets the example, however 
plausible the pretext, for the violation of the organic law, 
the other party will not scruple to do the same, and so we 
go on till a casus belli arises. You thought standing 
armies were dangerous; you have had them to the amount 
of a million of men. There is no danger to any ftate ex- 
cept where great public wrongs are committed, and there is 
no form of government that can stand against them. 

Rep. — But the change you propose is in the direction of 
Monarchy. 

Moth — Not in so direct a line as you may suppose. 
Monarchies engraft themselves upon states where life, lib- 
erty, and the pursuits of happiness are insecure. As foon 
as it is found out that man's liberty and rights are less fecure 
and more expensive than need be, he may hesitate about a 
change in government or its system, but the opportunity of 
change foon comes, and he is ripe for it. Two-thirds, per- 
haps three-fourths of the active, busy life in this country, 
live, not alone under two governments, which they have to 
fupport, but three, four, five, six, perhaps a dozen, in differ- 
ent parts of the year, and under as many different kinds of 
laws. There is no nation of earth's history, or now in be- 
ing, where man is governed so much, and scarcely any 
where the laws come so little to his mental understanding. 



5? 

He has no fafety except in gathering what he can pick 
up of general, moral law, on Sunday, as a rule of action, 
that being general throughout the whole country, to be re- 
lied on. States that he may come into, transmogrify him, 
if I may use the word, into colors chameleon, one color 
one hour, and another for the next. 

Rep. — Yes, but that is of his own feeking. 

Man. — It is where profit, business, pleasure calls him. 
It is idle to fay men need not go! they will go where their 
interest lies. My point is that you make them, under the 
old fyflem, pay enormously, and facrince in the most inhu- 
man manner, for what they get, toying them with the idea 
it is Liberty, — Republican fyftem. Look at your crimes! 
I do not cite comparison in modern history for that of Eng- 
land fince the fo-called Norman Conquest, in truth the 
Latin conquest, there is nothing to be compared with. 
Under Alfred the Saxon, jewels could be hung on the door 
latch of their houses, 1 or left exposed to public cupidity, and 
none were found who dare touch them. Is that fo here ? 
What ever does or may take place, the American is per- 
fectly satisfied. He is not a to-morrow looking man. 
Sufficient for the day is the evil thereof; and so he goes on 
the creature of accident, thoughtless and rudderless. 

Rep. — And wins. 

Mo/2. — Yes and wins, those that live, but the mortality 
of your American family births is fearful! At the time of 
the Revolution of '76, your families averaged six and eight 
children, and fometimes more, who lived, fcattered, and 
produced progeny equal, or nearly equal in number, the 
graduation lessening until two is not now the average of 
native born issue of the older ftock who establish families. 
Your nation is faved by the influence of foreign popula- 
tion. You admit it as a rule that American families may 

( ] ) Hume. 



57 

gradually work themselves up to the highest point of fecial 
and mental condition, and then in the fecond or third gen- 
eration work themselves down to the lowest. Your fyftem 
produces this result, a bubble sometimes larger or fmaller, 
but always of foap. 

Rep. — How would you remedy the evil? 

Mo/l — There is no remedy for it ; it is the law of new 
peoples. Our history is in its infancy. My thought is for 
a common head, which we may be instructed to look upon 
as perfectibility. Such a head must represent the Repub- 
lican states, the state we may be in ; and so long as we 
fecure the Republican form in detail, there will be, there 
can be no danger to our Liberties, lince we may all itrive 
to achieve to that very height of perfectibility. 

Rep. — But we do that now. 

Mon. — In that I must contradict you. Of late years, 
and nearly in fact always, your Presidents have had, at no 
time, the undivided support of your people. In numbers, 
always a large portion of the American people are dissatis- 
fied. Look at Grant to-day; the foremost man of the world; 
care-worn and more meanly treated than fome of your mil- 
lionaires treat their chief clerks or junior partners, and yet 
he has "done the ftate fome fervice, and they know it." 

Rep.— We would do more for Grant, or for any Presi- 
dent fo circumftanced, but we dare not ; party influences 
operate to check any effort of gratitude, or any partiality of 
affection. 

Dem. — Yes, bludgeon our head, and then ask us to call 
it glory. We are pretty nearly up to you in numbers, and 
by and by, it will be our turn. 

Mon. — -It is always your turn, but not always the way 
you want it. 

Dem. — -Don't talk to me. Have n't we Jefferson and 
Jackson as guides % Have n't we had the control of the 



58 

government for a large portion of the time of its existence 
without civil war, or any thing like it ? 

Mon. — Yes. 

Dem. — Did ever government or people grow more pros- 
perously ? 

Rep. — No. 

Dem. — Then why not let well enough alone ? 

Mon. — Because a part of your party would not let well 
enough alone. 

Dem. — The southern people went to war on principle ; 
they found you proposing to violate the spirit of the Con- 
stitution, or rather their fear of your affection for a principle 
which was dangeious to their pecuniary rights guaranteed, 
led them to anticipate a coming conflict. 

Mon. — That is generally the fource of quarrel, civil war. 
It would have been better for your South if there had been 
a Power within your own government to have checked ib 
disastrous a conflict. 

Dem. — But there was not. 

Mon. — I propose it. 

Rep.— You never can get the people of the United 
States to listen to any thing that looks toward kingly or- 
ganization. 

Mon. — Then abolish the word King, Kings, and Princes 
from your Bible, and don't let your people hear the name 
once a week or oftener. Substitute President and Govern- 
or, or Mayor, for it if you choose. 

Rep.— Those symbols of offices were of the olden days, 
and we choose to let them remain. 

Dem. — Yes, under our system we are all Sovereigns, 
some just like the Kings and Princes of the Bible. 

Mon. — Just so, and you want to universalize them, re- 
ducing your fociety into a itate of individualization which 
is now its prominent feature. No social American inter- 



59 

course, but brought together on Sundays; on the week days 
live in business and isolation, except in the family circle. 
Every man is King, Sovereign in his own house. 

Dem. — That is right. 

Rep. — By diffusing the power of the older fyifems of 
government, leaving it optional to the citizen in an ad- 
vanced Hate of civilization, to aspire to any position in the 
government or society, creates rivalship, gives encourage- 
ment and hope to the more timid, and leaves the way open 
to the gratification of all kinds of ambition. The fruitful- 
ness and wisdom of such a fyftem is feen in the advanced 
condition of the American people; their figns of prosperity 
and wealth. Take New England for an example. 
Where will you find on the face of the globe a people, 
living as a whole in finer houses, worshiping in cleaner 
churches, educated in brighter school-houses, with the arts 
and sciences, and all the professions at their command, pre- 
senting a fcene of temporal glory and prosperity undated 
before upon the face of the Planet. Go into many of the 
other States and you find the figns of equal prosperity and 
happiness, with nothing apparently to retard their prospect- 
ive glory. In the states in mass, how wonderful the growth 
in population and wealth, and all the arts of civilization, 
presenting a material and fbcial prosperity unrecorded in 
facred or profane history. How glorious, and yet why call 
all this uncertain ? It is the work of God, as well as man's 
work. 

Dem. — I am glad you did not attribute it all to the Re- 
publican party. 

Mon. — -To struggle and make facrifices; to preserve the 
glorious Union, cement Nationality by blood, belongs to 
the heroics, passing into oblivion to be written of — the 
general ftaple for a people's romances. You now begin to 

have a history. The itories of the war will live as long as 

% 



6o 



monuments or dotted places upon maps. The older glories 
of the Republican Empire pass into the mythical, Wash- 
ington follows in the train of Hercules, Hengist, King- 
Arthur, Alfred the Great, and almost as feldom passing over 
the brains of men. New Heroics must be nursed, and con- 
tinue to be alive, for the benefit of the rising generation. 

Rep. — They will. The older war-woes are not a ltaple 
in the foil of our future cultivation. They are only inci- 
dental, like state fickness. The changes we make are the 
result of our embodied wisdom and opinion, expressed 
through the ballot-box ; the elections, like wave on wave, 
throwing all kinds of pebbles on the fandy thore. The 
political conflicts of the people have a cleansing and puri- 
fying effect upon the body politic. Even our wars, fad 
and forrowing as they have been, developed new resources, 
added to our internal improvements, and largely increased, 
as is usual in fuch cases, the numbers of communicants in 
our churches. 

Man. — Your wars are the most expensive of any peoples. 
The Crimean war cost 2,165 d 01 l ars to a man killed. The 
Mexican and South American wars, the expense of killing 
each man was $4,500. The Austrian-Prussian campaign, 
ending in Sadowa, $7,500 for each man killed; and in the 
American civil war, each death cost $16,725; a fortune to 
ninety-nine out of every hundred of the whole army. It 
cost the Russian Empire nothing to emancipate her ferfs; 
if we had been in Empire it need not have cost us, in lives, 
fufferings from wounds and fickness ; I say it need not have 
cost us any thing. If it takes two Republics to be equal 
to one Empire in the government of man, it cost in pro- 
portion for every necessary governmental expense, double 
at least. How are you to get over it? 

Rep. — Very easily; we do not feel the loss, nor mind 
the expense. Our people are contented and happy. 



6i 

Mon. — Relatively fo, for they know no other kind of 
happiness; yet large portions of your population, those that 
can afford it, do not remain at home, but travel abroad and 
live under monarchical institutions; educate their children 
there from choice. 

Rep. — But do they become less Republican? 

Mon. — No, not in fpeech, for that would mortify the 
pride of their nativity ; but they become more easily molded 
to monarchical institutions, and the continual operative 
changes have little influence over them. 

Rep. — Why harp so much on monarchical institutions ? 

Mon.— Because, as Hengist says, it is a law of your na- 
ture, and you can not escape from it. When the war bugle 
founds in old Europe, how quick the law of races decides 
the question of fympathy in their respective nationalities. 
It is true the fame races may fight each other upon ques- 
tions of religion or cupidity; thus far fince the date of the 
Caesars, the northern races have been growing, nor has it 
been in the power of the Latin, Latin-Celtic, or Celtics to 
change the destiny of the North peoples. In eighteen cen- 
turies they have only advanced north from Rome to Paris. 

Rep. — Does the same law govern here, on the new Con- 
tinent ? 

Mon. — The same law. In our civil wars where did our 
natural sympathies mostly come from % Russia and the 
German States. I know that temporary interest, what 
feems to be immediate gains, or the impracticability of suc- 
cessful results, will often turn the fcale of branches of the 
fame people from acting together in harmony ; the friend- 
ships of the same peoples, as with individuals or families, are 
not always to be relied on; but it always turns out a fliort- 
fighted policy to forget that law of race; and in the end we 
have, fooner or later, to atone for fuch ftupidity. 



62 

We had no claims on France; it was natural for her to 
make all (he could out of our follies, but fhe could not act 
without England, and England found her cupidity gratified 
without lessening the dignity of her own race. She could 
not, however, be brought to the point of recognition of the 
Southern Confederacy, thus humiliating the most lignincant 
portion of her own blood. Besides, there was great danger 
at home, if fhe did do it. 

But this is fpecialty, and I do not wish to enter into the 
field, but fuch as involve the principles of the monarchical 
fyftem in the abstract; no particularization. 

We teach the monarchical principle on Sunday every 
where, in Bible reading, where the names of Kings, Queens, 
Princes, and their fervices are told and listened to from the 
Sacred volume. 

Devi. — I have always been in favor of a Democratic 
Bible; one very fhort, with a great deal of meaning in it; 
when we learn that, we Ve got enough. 

Rep — I don't think, Democraticus, you will do your 
party any good to talk thus loosely. 

Devi. — My party *? well, that is cool. Do you represent 
the Republican Party? I thought you denied it not long 
ago. 

Rep. — I did, but ftill I represent a principle, perhaps 
which finds favor with both parties. I am not a Monarch- 
ist, but a Republican, and lince Monarchy fb often fprings 
from the Ultraism of Democracies, I am very much inclined 
to be fuspicious of you, Democraticus, for you argue little, 
and are terse in questioning. 

Dem. — Well, be that as it may, you can be fure we are 
not to have a monarchy in this country at present. Such 
is our individualization that it would cost oceans of blood. 

Mon. — Not so fast. It would cost no blood at all. 
You could not get up a fight against a constitutionally 



63 

declared empire in this country, for you are in it already; 
your constitution only to be amended (o as to represent 
facts. Now you may oppose fuch an amendment, and 
my life on it, you will have changes brought about by a 
"deluge of blood," in the itrife for party predominancy. 
There, is no difference in party boldness when it once be- 
comes a question of courage to do, in precedent, to pre- 
serve party vitality. The danger which threatens most 
fprings from the uncertainty of authorized power, [trained 
construction of the constitution, the tyrant's plea, "necessity." 

Rep. — I know of nothing done in President Lincoln's, 
or President Grant's administration, which does not con- 
form to the spirit of the constitution and its government. 
The government that grows out of the constitution is one 
thing, and an administration another very different thing. 
While practically it nominally represents the whole coun- 
try, it too often represents a mere party, which occasioned 
the general complaint against Democratic rule. An ad- 
ministration must fill all its appointments with its own 
friends, in order to present a unity of action. Of course 
the outs may and will fuffer, but their watchfulness ferves 
to make the administration more circumspect and trust- 
worthy. If any important measure, vital in character, rela- 
ting to law, fyftem or government, is attempted to be forced 
upon the country without its approbation, a civil revolution 
follows through the ballot-box, and very justly so. The 
remedy is one of law and constitution, not that of force and 
violence. It is not the past expression of public opinion, 
but the future of it that we look to. 

Dem. — That I can understand, and you would like a 
very significant endorsement for your past public acts. 
Well, you see we don't quite agree with you, and patriot- 
ism leads us of the different opinion to vote you out if we 
can do fo. Sometimes we think it desirable, upon princi- 



64 

pie, to put you out without voting, since during the last 
ten years you never have represented a majority of the 
people of the United States, but have always represented 
the minority of the whole people. The hope of change, 
and the fear of creating greater evils in the loss of the Re- 
publican or Democratic form of government has kept us in 
a state of forbearance. There is more danger to you in 
trifling with us in peace, than when civil war raged. We 
will be within the reach of government, to remedy palpable 
and self-evident wrongs. 

Rep. — Who is to be the judge of those self-evident 
wrongs? 

Dem. — The party to whom they afflict. 

Mon. — There you are again, at the point of quarrel. 
Numbers can never add to the correctness, the right or 
wrong of a judgment; they can only give to it strength or 
force, and if wrong, the more evil springs from it. The 
difficulty arising from either of your systems is in looking 
to the wrong source, numbers, majorities, for infallibility, 
when numbers, majority, have nothing to do with it, other 
than as a mode of expression. 

Rep. — We wish to continue as our fathers taught us. 

Bern. — This side of the Atlantic. 

Mon. — Yes. Did your fathers have any fathers or race % 
There is no date to the beginning of such lignificance, ex- 
cept in the beginning of race; change of temperature, water- 
line has nothing to do with it. Even the forms of govern- 
ment can do but little in changing the organic law; it may 
stimulate to greater activity and enterprise, but the race-law 
remains the same. In the present (July 6,) threatened 
war in Europe, France and Prussia in its actual state, how 
distinctly marked are the race sympathies of the neighbor- 
ing kingdoms? Add to it the Christian element which 
underlies all society, and you see the Romish church and 



6^ 

the Protestant and more liberal Catholics of the North 
waking up to arms. The great danger is, that when Eu- 
rope once again get thoroughly at war, it will become lb 
terribly destructive and lasting, that the old European world 
will eventually sink into insignificance. Take a look at 
the map and see what a small space on the globe the noisy 
people of the day relatively occupy. Five millions. of men, 
all armed a capite ad calcem — from head to heel — officered 
by men of ambition, will not continue idle, while religious 
and political changes are fought for as the only cure for 
great focial evils. To fay that we have nothing to do with 
all this, is to suppose the Germans in this country would 
not, with all their Republican prejudices, fight for their 
king, the Celtic-Irish for Celtic-France, the Latins of Italy 
for the Latins of France. The mixed blood of the latter 
country is the cause of the lack of liability in the govern- 
ment. A Frenchman must have a revolution every gener- 
ation, sometimes oftener. 

Rep. — We have many races on this continent; what is 
the sequel? 

Mon. — It is not so easy to predict the future condition 
of such a variety of race. Two things have contributed 
to your remarkable growth, immigration and remarkable 
fecundity. A love of change, with the tendency towards 
fimple democracy, met by a tendency to the massing of 
wealth in the hands of a few; the innate love of feeking a 
new kind of respectability from that to which you were 
born; the passion for demonftrative glory, as warm in your 
blood as it was in that of your fathers, living under mon- 
archical fyftem long before you or they even thought of 
Democratic or Republican forms; the uncertainty in the 
administration of the law; the insecurity as against all focial 
crime which characterizes your fociety; its rewards to vice, 
which virtues can not fecure; the fanctity which you give 



66 

to forms, rejecting the substance; the love for the excite- 
ment of change, while thoughtless of the morrow, and what 
it may bring forth, all, all these characteristic features make 
it sometimes painful to contemplate the future of the great 
Republics in empire. Changes will suggest themselves; 
those which will give {lability and peace, developing the 
resources, and increasing the vitality of the country, lliould 
be adopted. There is no danger from the number of your 
races and the increase, but there arises a necessity from this 
fact, of clothing the United States Executive with more 
dignity and immediate Executive power, to be discretion- 
ally exercised with personal accountability against its im- 
proper use. Take some of your cities, perhaps states, for 
example. Where there is no security to person or proper- 
ty, if martial law was declared, and a marshal put over it, 
till it is thoroughly purged, the collection and disbursement 
of taxes honestly made, the law equally and justly admin- 
istered, the person as well as personal property entirely 
fecured, so that when the authority of the general govern- 
ment is lifted from the city or ilate, the date and police 
laws are all that is necessary for perfect fecurity. Such a 
ftate of things can be easily brought about, nor is there any 
thing alarming to Republican forms in granting authority 
to the general government to that end. There is no other 
remedy for the evils that generate in political and social 
corruption, but by physical revolution, or by the one pointed 
out, and my remedy is the best. 

Rep. — Is there not great danger of the abuse of such a 
power? 

Mon. — There is always danger, but not great, when the 
person or party is in greater danger from its being unrea- 
sonably and unjustly exercised. You tolerate social evil 
now, become daily more and more familiar with vice, and 
point out no practical, responsible, and effective remedy. 



6 7 

Indeed, your officers of government, even to the highest, 
are daily commanding less and less respect. Probably no 
government in the world whose officers are lb little looked 
up to; certainly none in Europe. I am fpeaking of a fact 
fusceptible of proof by actual observation, and unpalatable 
as it may be, and much in conflict with your religious and 
school-house and college instruction, the young men eman- 
ating from those institutions have firsr to unlearn their ven- 
eration and respect before they in fact become fit for prac- 
tical life. Think for a moment what profound respect was 
paid to the earlier Presidents, Senators, Justices of the Su- 
preme Court, whose relative pay was five times in value 
what it is now. So of all officers of state, down to a town 
constable or police court, without referring to pay. We 
exact more of our public men, in office, and they, consid- 
ering the employment and chances of success, get less re- 
turn than those of the same relative position in any other 
government. Compensation will not reach the evil, for 
it is inherent in the fystem, but may help to correct it. No 
one now but a fool will begin life a politician in hope of 
gain by it. Compensation should approximate to the dig- 
nity of employment, and it in some measure adds to it. 
The great danger to the Republican party is, it seems pretty 
much to have discharged its office, notwithstanding it has 
for its head the greatest General of the age, and a patriot, 
than whom there is none more fincere, more capable, and 
more in discouraging circumstances. 

Devi. — I guess you are a Grant man. Well, some of 
our friends fought him through many a hard campaign, 
and I don't hear of any who were in the field doing mili- 
tary fervice, fpeak much personal ill of him. 

Rep. — -The Republican cause in this country can never 
fail. It may be embarrassed by temporary party bicker- 
ings, it may meet with overwhelming defeat, but the cause 
3 



68 

Liberty! equality before the law, universal enlightenment, 
union and republican fyftem of government, will stand as 
long as there is a sun to shine, and a planetary system to 
monitor by night! 

Bern. — Well, I notice those born in the skies, don't hes- 
itate to ftay long on earth. I have in my study a terres- 
trial and celestial globe, standing near together, and it is 
interesting in this hot, fly-time summer, to see the flies run- 
ning and jumping about; sometimes one will run a little 
way, stand erect, rub his soft proboscis, and squaring, with 
his fore foot up, as much as to say, this I sit on is my king- 
dom, down he goes and off to another spot, going through 
the same bobbing up motions, reducing, I suppose, other 
kingdoms or territories to possession. This is the terrestrial 
fly I have been speaking of, but I notice the same thing 
goes on with the flies on the celestial globe, and more than 
that, as the days of the week pass along toward Sunday, I 
notice the terrestrial flies getting over to the nearest point 
toward the celestial globe, and as the morning approaches 
they jump over on to the celestial globe, there mixing with 
the celestial flies, just as if they had been one of them all 
the time. As Sunday draws to a close the celestial flies 
work along down toward the terrestrial globe, and before 
you can think of it over they go on to the terrestrial globe, 
and there they stay much longer than their visitors, one stay- 
ing one day, the other six. The query with me is, which 
class is the most sensible, and never have I been able to 
determine. 

Rep. — I should say the class whose habits lead to the 
greater certainty of happiness both here and hereafter. 

Mon. — I should say the class which leads to the least 
evil both to himself and to others, here and hereafter. 

Bern. — But which is that class? 



69 

Rep. — That whose motives of action discharges first the 
Christian duties. 

Mon. — That class which in truth acts up to and conforms 
to the laws of God and man. 

Dem, — Neither of your answers, so general, are at all 
satisfactory. They are all flies, and I don't really believe 
that either class, however strong our affection may be for 
one or the other, knows a great deal, with that kind of cer- 
tainty which usually governs sensible action, — I say, I don't 
believe that either class know a great deal about the sub- 
ject matter of the laws of God or the laws of man. But 
to change the subject, tell us, Monarchicus, something 
about Hengist. I never heard of him before. 

Mon. — Nor have heard of Washington much of late; 
his monument unfinished; and if the capital did not take 
his name, his name would, like all old civic symbols, soon 
pass into oblivion. There is a tendency in all great names 
to become mythical. The original character is lost sight 
of in the changes which political or social time-showers 
wash and remold the old clay form. Hengist was a Jute. 
Speed's ch. says, "Hengist was doubtless a prince of the 
choicest blood and nobility of the Saxons, (the Confedera- 
cy,) and by birth, of Angria, in Westphalia, wherein unto 
this day a place retaineth the name of Hengist-bolt. He 
and his brother were the sons of one Wihtgisil, whose father 
was Witts." You don't expect me to go into his history. 
The church controls questions, not Monarchs, Presidents, nor 
big names of history. Cabinets may open war upon excuse 
or cause ; it soon drifts, in Europe, and so, in some measure 
in this country, into new elements, from which Christian 
societies are to be materially benefited. While the whole 
Christian doctrine is peace, mankind, upon which it acts, 
quarrel ; and so much is that fact a law of his nature, he 
cannot rest more than a generation or two when he is 



7° 

again at work at his old tricks, under new organization, 
principles, new-weapons and discipline, righting to make 
permanent peace, lion and lamb loving. Watch the pro- 
gress in Europe at this (ist August,) moment. France 
may win ; that question depending upon her genius and 
preparations, but the chances are against her. If she loses, 
a new German empire opens, more powerful than any yet 
established by the Teuton blood, and France and the south- 
ern empire has to look to a Union with Spain, Italy, Aus- 
tria, and the absorption of Turkey, or sink ' into a second 
class power, ending perhaps in race quarrels between the 
Celt-French and Latin-French, and a divided kingdom; 
no more Pans ! 

Rep. — You will kill your book and any cause you 
espouse to write so much at random. 

Dem. — I don't know, we want Paris in New York, or 
some other city, to be made the most attractive place in 
the world. 

Mon. — Kill my book! 
Rep. — I mean, detract from its credibility. 
Dem. — He means, "I catch 'em, you cheat em," will be 
found out. 

Mon. — Well, it matters not. Your glass mirror reflects 
the world, and he is a poor painter that does not follow 
the line. Fiat justitia, mat ccelvm. If I am the first to 
raise my pen for empire, it is that we may acknowledge a 
state of things which have existed, are likely to exist 
again, by and through party dangers and their predomin- 
ancy, to secure whose ends, there not being the excuse of 
a change in the Executive Power, the exercise of unlawful 
authority leading to another revolution, which, if it opens, 
will, in all human probability, be the most terrific the world 
has yet known, ending in the establishment of empire by 
force, cemented by blood, with all the concomitants of 



7i 

king-craft and priest-craft — the night setting in perhaps 
forever, upon the once glorious, all-prosperous Republics in 
Empire. Let us be slow if it is necessary. While the 
Roman church, out-growth of the Roman empire, after its 
downfall, ruled northern Europe for centuries, it has taken 
an equal number of centuries for the Latin race to progress 
north even to latitude of Paris; there stationary, but still 
trying to work in upon the northern races. In the mean 
time old Rome has been eleven times in the possession of 
the Northmen, and Paris four times. In the sense of Na- 
tional progress, one people exist in the United States in 
empire; the south can make it two if they choose to be 
ruled under one Dynasty. 



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